Fight Poverty Pay |
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| Fight Poverty Pay |
For a one-day public sector strikeTHE FIREFIGHTERS have postponed their action for the moment but there is no let-up in the struggles against low pay. More ... Fight For The Full Claim: THE FIREFIGHTERS' union has suspended another strike, while at the same time declaring a 48-hour strike to start at 6pm on 13 November. This is taking the dispute to the wire as the union will have to reballot if strikes don't start before 14 November. Also:
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| No To War With Iraq |
31 October demonstrations: FOUR THOUSAND protesters marched to 10 Downing St on 31 October as tens of thousands staged demonstrations across the country against war with Iraq. This follows the massive demonstration of up to 200,000 in Washington on 26 October and shows that opposition is still growing even at this early stage. More ... Building The Action Against The War: We bring reports of some of the anti-war actions that took place in England and Wales on the Stop the War Coalition day of action against war with Iraq on 31 October. What's Happening Next? AFTER THE success of the 31 October day of action, the Stop The War Coalition discussed what actions should follow to maintain and build the momentum of campaigning against the threatened war on Iraq. |
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| Top-Up Fees Will Increase Society's Class Divisions |
IMPERIAL COLLEGE London plans to introduce top-up fees. That highlights the growing divide within the education system. At present all universities charge £1,050 a year - a rate set by the government. |
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| Turkey's Ruling Parties Routed In Elections |
TURKEY'S ELECTORATE passed judgement on the governing coalition's handling of the country's economic crisis by voting them out of office. |
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| Brazil: Will The Workers' Party Live Up To Its Name? |
NOW FORMER metalworker Lula, leader of the Workers Party (PT) has won the election for Brazil's presidency, a new era of class struggle is opening up. ANDRÉ FERRARI, a member of Socialismo Revolucionario in São Paulo, the Brazilian section of the CWI, the international socialist movement that the Socialist Party is affiliated to, reports. More ... A world champion of inequality: LULA'S POLICY wasn't just an electoral tactic. PT's strategy and programme are not socialist - they seek to run capitalism better than the capitalists themselves. Socialism not social contracts: ONE SECTION of big business thinks that PT's broad social basis means it can easily demand a social pact and sacrifices from the people How the Left could grow: WORKERS' EXPERIENCE of Lula in government could help Brazil's left grow as sections of the PT ranks will see that Lula's "peace and love" policy is his long-term strategy and will look to an alternative. PT's fighting history won the election: IN MAY 1978, during the military dictatorship, metalworkers at Saab-Scania in a São Paulo industrial complex walked out in a strike that spread throughout the industry, echoing throughout Brazil and opening a new stage in the country's workers' movement. |
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| Rob Williams - Standing For Socialism |
Socialist Party Wales has selected Rob Williams to stand in the Aberavon constituency for the Welsh assembly elections 2003. |
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| Israel's Governing Coalition Splits |
THE ISRAELI 'national unity' government coalition has collapsed following the withdrawal of six Labour ministers. Elections have been called for early next year. By Judy Beishon Workers Face Economic Crisis: Worst recession in 25 years provokes strike wave Sharon rewards war criminal: WHAT CAN someone accused of war crimes expect from the Israeli state? Promotion! |
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| True Spies - Review |
MI5 whistleblower given jail sentence: DAVID SHAYLER has been given a six-month prison sentence on charges that he acted illegally in blowing the whistle on the undemocratic and murderous activities of Britain's secret state. By Ken Smith |
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Home | The Socialist 8 November 2002 | Subscribe | News Join the Socialist Party | Donate | Bookshop
Fight Poverty PayFor a one-day public sector strikeTHE FIREFIGHTERS have postponed their action for the moment but there is no let-up in the struggles against low pay. Bill MullinsThis week has seen FE college lecturers and support staff on a national strike for the second time since May. On 14 November, London university workers are also coming out on strike over the London cost of living allowance. 12 days later, on 26 November, London teachers will also be striking over the same issue. Council workers, who are involved in selective action, could also join them on that day. Rail workers on Arriva Northern trains are entering their ninth month of strike action and plan to strike again leading up to Christmas if their pay demand is not met. This wave of strikes is the latest manifestation of the boiling anger workers feel against New Labour's indifference to the problem of low pay. Workers see the top directors of British industry vote themselves hundreds of thousands of pounds in salaries and bonuses but resist with all their might the justified pay claims of ordinary workers. Not for the bosses the criteria they apply to workers of "prove you are worth it", because when it comes to their own salaries the rule is "who cares we control the cash". Last week, even The Observer asked : "Is Bart Becht, chief executive officer of Reckitt Benckiser and the UK's highest-paid executive, worth the same as 400 firefighters?" It would take the combined pay packets of ten coachloads of nurses to match Mr Bech's pay. Blair and Brown control the pay of millions of public sector workers, either directly or indirectly. The government is the paymaster of firefighters and university workers. It controls the cash doled out to the privatised FE colleges and subsidises the profits of the rail companies. It finances most of the spending of the local councils and it is the direct employer of thousands of civil servants, health workers and teachers. No matter how New Labour tries to separate parts of the public sector, workers know the government holds the purse strings. That is why the demand for the unions to coordinate action all together is receiving wider support. The Socialist Party has been to the fore in demanding that the union leaders call a one-day public sector pay strike which should also include the previously privatised sectors. A one-day strike involving up to five million workers would send a forceful message to the government. They would know that they cannot pick off one section of workers from another. The old adages count more than ever before; unity is strength and an injury to one is an injury to all.
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31 October thousands say...No To War With IraqFOUR THOUSAND protesters marched to 10 Downing St on 31 October as tens of thousands staged demonstrations across the country against war with Iraq. This follows the massive demonstration of up to 200,000 in Washington on 26 October and shows that opposition is still growing even at this early stage. Ken DouglasIn a significant hardening of its position, Saudi Arabia has firmly ruled out the use of its air bases to launch an attack on Iraq even if the UN approves the use of force. The election of the Islamic AKP in Turkey's general election further complicates the situation. Turkey is a member of Nato and an ally of the US but an AKP government could face a dilemma in supporting the invasion of neighbouring Iraq, a Muslim country. However preparations for an invasion continue. The government this week will announce enforced mobilisation of up to 10,000 reservists, including plans to retain them in the army for an indefinite period. Tony Blair is expected to overrule Treasury objections and authorise the deployment of an armoured division and aircraft carrier to the Gulf. Meanwhile the US and the Kuwaiti government have sealed off a third of the country next to the border area for joint 'military exercises', in reality a rehearsal for the invasion of Iraq. At the same time confusion reigns over the status of the prospective UN resolutions on Iraq, with Russia still insisting on two resolutions, Britain saying that a resolution is imminent and the US threatening to set a deadline beyond which they will act unilaterally. Bush and Blair hypocritically talk about weapons of mass destruction while backing development of deadly chemical and biological weapons. They continue to export weapons around the globe as Blair has just done with his gift of Challenger tanks to Jordan. And now they want to drag us into a war in which thousands of working-class and poor people could die for the sake of the prestige of the world's only superpower and the profits of the oil corporations. This is why we need to build the anti-war movement and link it to the developing struggles of workers against low pay and privatisation. Above all else, to link these battles to the struggle for socialism and the ending of capitalism's ruinous hold on the world.
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Top-Up Fees Will Increase Society's Class DivisionsIMPERIAL COLLEGE London plans to introduce top-up fees. That highlights the growing divide within the education system. At present all universities charge £1,050 a year - a rate set by the government. Colin WrayThese new proposals would mean universities could charge nearer the real cost of studying, thought to be around £5,000. But depending on the institution, department and course, it could be much more. Greater loans would then become available to let students pay fees up front. The Russell Group, vice-chancellors of Britain's elite universities, favour charging top-up fees. Imperial's rector, Sir Richard Sykes, wants to introduce fees up to £15,000 a year! Warwick and Birmingham are also said to be looking into it. Universities are looking at top-up fees because public funding of higher education has dropped so much over the last 20 years, that universities spend all their money on their requirements of teaching and research. Non-essential work, such as building maintenance, takes second place. One recent example is in Sheffield where the university now plans to sell off outright, two of its halls of residence to the private sector. The government flatly refuses to provide the money that the universities require. Top-up fees are another symptom of under-funding, the result being a two-tier education system. One being of first class quality, the other being (in the governments' words) "bog standard". Even Frank Dobson has said that allowing universities to charge top-up fees 'partly to show how exclusive they are' is another 'elitist' solution that will deter poorer children from higher education. Allowing universities to compete against each other in the market will only perpetuate the education system's exclusive attitude to people from working-class backgrounds. We must fight for a free education system and the only way to do this is to fight for socialism!
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Fight For The Full ClaimTHE FIREFIGHTERS' union has suspended another strike, while at the same time declaring a 48-hour strike to start at 6pm on 13 November. This is taking the dispute to the wire as the union will have to reballot if strikes don't start before 14 November. But the original ballot showed an overwhelming majority - 87.6% - for strike action for the £30,000 pay claim. As the comments below show, many firefighters are frustrated and angry that the ballot has not been acted on. Firefighters in five areas of north and east London took unofficial action on 4 November, refusing to do routine duties in protest at the postponing of the strike. The government has shown vicious determination to keep down public-sector pay, they are desperate to avoid the firefighters setting a precedent. They need to be opposed with the same determination. The employers have so far made some concessions on pay parity for retained firefighters and have accepted the need for a new pay formula. But as we go to press they have yet to offer a penny towards the £30,000 claim. Firefighters can use the authority of the strike ballot result and the support they have from the public and other public-sector workers, to stick out for the full claim. The government and the employers will not give in easily but firefighters want to show by determined strike action that they will not tolerate poverty pay any longer.
Angry London FBU meetingAT A London FBU members' meeting on 1 November the mood was overwhelmingly if not unanimously against the executive calling off last week's strike. Bill MullinsThere were about 150 activists at the meeting where EC members Mick Shaw and Michael Nicholas gave a report about the negotiations. The negotiations had lasted 18 hours over two days but the £30,000 claim was only discussed in the last hour! They had not offered anything above 4% but had conceded that in the Bain enquiry they would be "compared through job evaluation" with the Associate, Professional and Technical group (a Department of Employment category). The interim Bain report would be out by 13 November. The London regional committee had voted that morning to call for the strikes on 6 November to go ahead. The same decision had been made by the East Midlands, Greater Manchester and Eastern and East Anglia regions. Matt Wrack spoke from the floor. He said that the Associate, Professional and Technical group encompassed people on £15,000 to £70,000 per year. What point on this scale would they be compared with? He called for the strikes to go ahead, saying: "We can't accept hints and winks from the employers as serious offers". Other speakers condemned the EC for suspending the second two-days of action with no good reason. One or two talked about a sell-out: "If the EC doesn't get it right then we'll get a new EC". Andy Dark went down the best of all the floor speakers when he said that the EC had adopted the wrong tactics. He said if they were serious about winning they should not have cancelled last week's action. "Why did the union allow the employers to set the agenda for the discussions? The most important item was the £30k claim and it was discussed last."
Firefighters prepare to take unofficial action if the claim is not metFIREFIGHTERS IN London and elsewhere are ready to take unofficial action if their claim is not met. This is the message that they have given to their union leaders. As we go to press the rumour is that next week the employers will offer a figure significantly more than 4%. £30,000 is what the fire fighters want or at least significant steps in that direction. Firefighters have told The Socialist that even 16% is not enough and that unofficial action is possible or even likely involving a number of brigades next week and this could rapidly spread to others. In the event of action - official or unofficial - then there must be massive support for the firefighters from socialists and trade unionists everywhere. Andy Dark, London FBU regional committee, spoke to The Socialist about the latest developments. He explained that five out of the 14 regional committees opposed the suspension of the strikes. The NEC is going into more talks for 'two or possibly three days'. A number of London stations have already said they will take unofficial action next week and this is growing all the time. The regional executive will meet on 7 November to call for London members to take unofficial action and will meet again on 11 November after consulting the London membership. "We expect a number of other brigades to be doing the same." He went on to explain that the interim Bain report will be given to the employers on 13 November at 10am. The employers will make a formal offer at 2pm and firefighters should be on official strike at 6pm if it isn't enough.
Firefighters Speak To The Socialist"I WAS livid when I heard the strike was called off. I was involved in 1977 when we were forced to strike because our pay had been eroded. Now we've fallen behind again. The executive got a 9:1 result for action and now they're throwing that power away. On Friday [at an all-London meeting of reps] there was unanimous opposition to the offer. EC members were ragged by members. They were told: 'You were asked to do a job. If you can't do it, we'll replace you with people who will'." Steve Burge, Stratford fire station, personal capacity"FEELINGS ARE running high - there's no information coming out. The rank and file firefighters feel that we're weakening our position by calling off the eight-day strike. Individual stations have been taking unofficial action, covering emergencies only. "The union leadership are negotiating with the employers not the government now, but there's no information coming out - we don't know whether that's a good sign or bad. "I can tell you that unrest within Tower Hamlets will be increased if the Bain report proves unfavourable. We're dissatisfied with how things are going." Firefighters at Whitechapel firestation.
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Turkey's Ruling Parties Routed In ElectionsTURKEY'S ELECTORATE passed judgement on the governing coalition's handling of the country's economic crisis by voting them out of office. The chief beneficiary of the massive protest vote was the 'Muslim democrats' of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), who secured a parliamentary majority with around 35% support. The election was called early after the governing coalition started to disintegrate over the continuing economic recession and the handling of a $16 billion bail-out loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit's mis-named Democratic Left Party won a pathetic 1% while his two coalition partners, including the far-right Nationalist Action Party (MHP), failed to obtain the 10% threshold vote needed for Parliamentary representation. The secularist Republican People's Party (CHP), with no parliamentary representation at the last election, secured 19.3% of the vote (178 seats). However, the leader of AKP, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, cannot become prime minister as he was banned by the pro-military courts from standing for parliament for inciting 'religious hatred'. The power behind the Turkish state remains the military whose capitalist, secularist ideology - based on modern Turkey's (established in 1923) founding father Kemal Ataturk - is opposed to both an Islamic state and socialism. The military has carried out several coups to halt workers' struggles and in 1997 to remove a government headed by an earlier incarnation of AKP. Erdogan has gone out of his way to stress that AKP hasn't a hidden Islamist agenda, that it favours Turkey's early entry into the European Union and supports the capitalist global economy. Turkey's capitalists gave AKP a cautious welcome as the stock market surged by 7.2% and the lira currency recovered some of its earlier fall (reaching a record low) against the US dollar. Erdogan is, however, more lukewarm about US-led plans to attack Iraq. Turkey is crucial as a staging post for an invasion force and last week was visited by US general Tommy Franks, the man responsible for military operations. However, Erdogan has said that any action must be first approved by the United Nations. Economic crisisUnderpinning Turkey's political crisis is the country's acute economic problems. Similar to Argentina's capitalist crisis Turkey's economy faced meltdown after a flight of capital and the collapse of the currency last year, during which the economy shrank by 7.4%. This followed an 18 month-long IMF imposed austerity budget which meant the country's working class paid a heavy price - ie millions unemployed, 80% inflation, wage cuts and privatisation, leading to mass protests by trade unions and small traders. In February 2002, the IMF approved a further $16 billion three-year loan dependent on massive cuts in government spending and more privatisations. And although the economy has revived, it has been a jobless recovery. Failure to deal with the ongoing crisis prompted a series of high-profile defections from Ecevit's party. Desperate for assistance, Turkey's capitalist class has sought to gain entry into the EU by seemingly liberalising its laws to tackle its appalling human rights record. It recently abolished the death penalty sparing the life of jailed Kurdish PKK leader Abdullah Ocelan and has granted limited political and civil rights to Turkey's large Kurdish minority. Nonetheless, Human Rights Watch say one million Kurds remain internally displaced refugees, unable to return to their towns and villages in the south east where the military had been fighting PKK guerrillas. Moreover, in the last two years nearly 100 political prisoners have fasted to death or have been killed by military operations in Turkey's brutal and overcrowded jails. Turkey's working class, with its fighting and socialist traditions, will once again be forced to counter the attacks of Turkey's capitalist class and international capitalism. The AKP with its pro-market programme will prove as incapable as the previous coalition in dealing with the crisis. The only solution lies on the road of forging a new mass workers' party committed to socialist change.
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Building The Action Against The WarTHE LARGEST event was the 4,000-strong demonstration outside Parliament which included thousands of students from the LSE, Goldsmiths and other London colleges. Speakers pointed out that the real debate against the war was taking place there and not in the Houses of Parliament opposite. Socialist Student members at Brunel University, West London, walked into lectures urging students to join a protest. As the protest weaved its way round the lecture theatres, tutors found themselves unable to compete with the anti-war chants. The protest finished in the main canteen where our slogan of 'education not war' drowned the lunchtime din and then marched down to the main demo in central London In Waltham Forest 200 protesters led by sixth form students formed a lively demo that stopped the traffic for a short time and drew a lot of support from people rushing home from work. Over 100 students at Warwick University took part in a lively protest outside the Senate House. Around 200 students voted overwhelmingly for an anti-war motion, including the demand to occupy the Senate House, at an Emergency General Meeting of the students union. We marched to Senate House only to find the security had locked the doors - so instead we blocked the entrance. A well attended meeting afterwards agreed to to set up a Stop the War group at the university. In Liverpool over 300 people blockaded Lime Street from 6pm to 6.30pm, stopping the traffic. There was a good atmosphere, with a large number of young people on the protest. In Manchester the day began with University of Manchester students blocking the road, continuing with a teach-in, a demonstration of 100 at 1pm, and then an occupation by 70 students for several hours before joining the main demonstration. 600 students, workers, and youth marched through Manchester demanding an end to Bush and Blair's war. Over 70 students and staff from Leeds University and Leeds Metropolitan University temporarily occupied a lecture theatre in the Business School to symbolise the commercialisation of education. This was the beginning of a series of short occupations throughout the day, which included the local offices of the BBC. This action was kindled by the media's reluctance to cover any of the events or actions being taken across the country against war with Iraq. The day culminated at 5.30pm as hundreds of protesters gathered outside Yorkshire Television studios. The protest was made up of workers, students and a large contingent from the Muslim community including many young women. 3-400 protested in Bristol. A new Socialist Party member Katy, did a speech against the war at her workplace after getting her boss to agree to add 15 minutes on to the dinner break. In Leicester Socialist Party member Richard spoke at the beginning of a couple of lectures to hundreds of students about the campaign. Leicester SP members then set up with banners, megaphone and petitions outside the SU building. Virtually all students agreed that the war was a case of imperialist aggression by a US administration keen on paying its oil industry backers. Hundreds marched through Leicester on 2 November. The police had banned the march from going through an area with a high Muslim population. This is the third time the Leicester Campaign to Stop the War has been affected by police bans. The march went ahead but there was a heavy police presence to make sure we followed the police imposed route. The rally in the city centre was chaired by Socialist Party member Steve Score and speakers included Josie Nicholls on behalf of the Socialist Party, the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq, the Indian Workers' Association and Muslim organisations. In Brighton, a lively, passionate and entirely peaceful action was broken up by riot police. Armed with pepper spray and batons they charged into the retreating demonstration from behind. At its height about 1,000 people took part in the march around the town centre, including many students and first-time demonstrators. Many people came out of their homes to join the march along its route, whilst others threw open windows and rushed out onto their balconies to call out their support. Cardiff Socialist students' society organised a demo of over 70 students to march from the students' union to meet the main demo in the city-centre. We got to the Bevan statue just before 6pm and continued chanting until the rest of the 300 strong demo arrived. We then marched to the US consulate with Lyndon, a new member of International Socialist Resistance (ISR), on the megaphone. We had two banners, one from our Cardiff society and another thanks to the Pontypridd Socialist Students who came down in support. Outside the US consulate the main chant was 'one two three four we don't want your bloody war, five six seven eight spend the money to educate' with Lyndon leading the way. Members of Socialist Students and the Socialist Party were interviewed by the BBC for Panorama.
What's Happening Next?AFTER THE success of the 31 October day of action, the Stop The War Coalition discussed what actions should follow to maintain and build the momentum of campaigning against the threatened war on Iraq. Another national demonstration has been pencilled in for 15 February 2003, which is being billed as an 'Occupy London' day. There is a strong possibility that action against Iraq could begin before the demo - possibly in early January - and the Coalition is also encouraging local groups to organise actions in the run-up to the demonstration and acts of civil disobedience on the day military action starts. The Coalition has also agreed to organise a national conference - to be held at the Camden Centre in London on 7 December. This will be a delegate conference, where national and local affiliates will be entitled to representation and also any individual who is affiliated to the Coalition will be entitled to vote. Socialist Party members who are in affiliated organisations should urgently try to ensure they can become delegates to the conference and put forward nominations and resolutions. Resolutions and nominations for the Steering Committee should be sent to office of the Stop the War Coalition by 1 December. The address is: PO Box 3739, London E5 8EJ. Tel: 020 7053 2155/6 or email to office@stopwar.org.uk. Please send copies to Ken Smith, Socialist Party representative on the Stop the War Coalition Steering Committee at: Socialist Party, PO Box 24697, London E11 1YD or email kensmith@socialistparty.org.uk
Home | The Socialist 8 November 2002 | Subscribe | News Join the Socialist Party | Donate | Bookshop Brazil:Will The Workers' Party Live Up To Its Name?
LULA WON the largest vote in Brazil's history, easily beating the former Cardoso government candidate Serra, who was backed by big business, bankers and the IMF. The PT won more seats in congress and state legislative assemblies and now has the biggest parliamentary group in states such as São Paulo. Lula was as an immigrant to São Paulo from the Northeast, he knew hunger and unemployment, was exploited in a factory, and watched his first wife and new-born baby die in a public hospital. The PT's past record was of the incorruptible party of the common people, the only one not blamed for the current situation. People expected profound changes. Lula's victory was due to the PT's combative past not its current moderation. But in the state elections PT's candidate for governor and current mayor of Porto Alegre was defeated by the capitalist PMDB, which was actively supported by all the local conservative forces, in Rio Grande do Sul. This defeat reflects some decline in support for the PT state government, which created expectations of major changes but couldn't deliver. In many cities run by PT mayors, Lula's vote went below the national average, reflecting frustrated expectations when they govern within the narrow limits imposed by capitalism. Lula won because voters rejected the politics of the ''free market' but these defeats show that PT won't be able to meet the masses' huge expectations unless it breaks with Cardoso's capitalist policies and the IMF. The PT national president says that Lula must look for support from state governors from many different parties. In congress, the PT block and its allies have no majority and are looking to broader alliances with capitalist parties, maybe even some in Serra and Cardoso's PSDB, which will lead the opposition to Lula. Despite PT's recent moderation of their positions and alliances with sections of big business, Lula's victory shows most Brazilians' powerful desire for change. This was a vote against eight years of 'neo-liberal' 'free market' policy under Cardoso, against unemployment, falling real wages, degraded public services, the effects of privatisations, the rising level of violent crime due to the economic crisis and also against Cardoso's tolerance of corruption. Lula's election was a setback for capitalism and a step forward for Brazil's working class. A new stage in the class struggle is opening up. Mood for changeTHE PT didn't win the elections because it became more ''moderate' and dropped its socialist perspective. It won because its 22-year history of struggle or resistance made it the channel for this mood for change. But the PT top leaders' main concern over the last period has been to convince international investors. Not a word was said in this electoral campaign without weighing up the likely impact on investors' mood. Lula committed to Cardoso's agreement with the IMF, and repeatedly said that all existing contracts will be honoured and no unilateral steps taken. 'Peace and love'? Politically, PT's leadership allied itself with the traditional parties and regional bosses of Brazil's capitalist class. Lula's vice-president was Alencar, one of Brazil's biggest bosses and former presidents Sarney and Franco supported him. In the second round he even got support from an ex-minister of the military regime Delfim Netto whose anti-working class measures caused the metalworkers' strikes led by Lula in 1978. Lula's programme is based on economic growth and a 'social pact' of workers, bosses and government. The Social Pact became the great magic wand to let the government solve the enormous social problems while still meeting the demands of the financiers and IMF. Lula's "Peace and Love" policy curbed the energies of PT members, particularly the youth. But Lula had the support of the main mass organisations of workers, youth and students. In the last phase of the campaign particularly, there was more involvement among activists for Lula. The Cardoso government and its policies were in crisis. Serra oscillated between identifying with the Cardoso government and distancing himself from it. The PSDB tried to sow panic around the 'Argentinisation' of Brazil under Lula but this had less effect than in 1998, when Cardoso still had some support for axing hyperinflation. In 2002, "Hope won out over fear," as Lula said. The PT victory came from its past of struggle and consistent opposition to previous governments. In fact the PT's 'no controversy' policy threatened to damage the image of consistency built during two decades. Lula could have won in the first round, but all his opponents exploited his vague approach. Many working-class and youth voters just closed their eyes to the PT's moderate policy in the campaign. Many thought it was just a tactic to win the election - that once in office Lula and the PT would return to its previous combativity. The PT isn't just an electoral phenomenon. It is still the political leadership of the workers' and people's movement. Lula's victory and his future government with capitalist allies will test this authority and could encourage a reshaping and reorganisation of the left.
A world champion of inequalityLULA'S POLICY wasn't just an electoral tactic. PT's strategy and programme are not socialist - they seek to run capitalism better than the capitalists themselves. So inevitably the masses' enormous expectations will clash with the limits imposed by the economic crisis and the PT's moderate programme today. Nothing was solved by September's agreement with the IMF. After eight years of Cardoso, average GDP growth was 2.3% and unemployment was higher than ever. Average income fell and social inequality remained obscene. Violent crime is at alarming levels. Public services were wrecked and privatisations only made things worse, as proved by last year's electricity rationing crisis. Land is still controlled by a tiny minority leading to violent clashes. 52 million people live in absolute poverty. Hunger, endemic diseases of poverty, semi-slave work, etc, all make Brazil a world champion of social inequality. Even with US$90 billion coming in from privatisations, Brazil's public debt jumped from 30% to 60% of GDP during Cardoso's government, to reach £260 billion now, from about £20 billion in 1994 when Cardoso was elected. Dependence on foreign capital means the constant threat of 'defaulting' on the debt haunts the country. In recent months, only a new IMF agreement and loan averted a moratorium (suspension of debt payments) but this problem will return. 80% of the public debt is in the hands of domestic creditors. As in Argentina a default would mean banks and business failing and enormous social costs. In September's IMF agreement the foreign banks tried to prepare for a future moratorium. Most credit lines are blocked due to the international economic crisis so the Brazilian Central Bank pushed up interest rates and the currency has been very heavily devalued. The IMF target was a budget surplus (before interest charges) of 3.75% of GDP for 2003. This would mean scarce funds for social spending. But even this target is insufficient and was only adopted to get the presidential candidates to agree it. Lula committed to the target but is willing to increase it. The finance market wants blood - some talk of a 6% target. Crisis-ridden capitalism would merely be deciding which social costs were less evil: those of spending cuts or those of a collapsing Brazilian economy. Lula hopes to avoid this dilemma between maintaining Cardoso's monetarist policy and seeing the country collapse by economic growth through higher exports gradually increasing income to expand the domestic market. In fact, Brazil has had trade surpluses recently, but these were due to recession reducing imports and a weak currency not to big increases in exports. During an international recession, the perspective of higher exports will meet with serious obstacles. If the IMF agreement is kept to, not even a limited national-development policy is possible in Brazil.
Socialism not social contractsONE SECTION of big business thinks that PT's broad social basis means it can easily demand a social pact and sacrifices from the people. But PT's base did not elect Lula for more sacrifices but to end them. Urgent measures to combat hunger have already been announced and some limited palliative measures will be taken to mitigate the gravest effects of the crisis. At present many workers see a social pact as a way of getting 'concessions' from bosses and bankers without provoking more turbulence in the economy. But when it becomes clear that the workers will carry most of the burden, any honeymoon period will end. The social movements have an enormous backlog of demands. One of Lula's first challenges will be the minimum wage, now a miserable 200 reals (about US$54). PT parliamentarians are calling for an increase to around US$100 by 1 May, which is not the intention of PT members in government. If companies are closed and large-scale layoffs follow, there could be sharp conflicts. The struggle against unemployment hasn't reached the level of Argentina but the potential is there. Also the demand for land and credit to plant crops will mean heavy pressure from the landless. New state governors will also press for debt rescheduling and more social spending. The PT in federal government will tend to avoid rescheduling at least during 2003. But a financial crisis in the states could complicate the situation. The first struggles may not be directly against Lula's government, but to press the local elites for concessions. Lula will try to balance between the two sides but over time could lose the support of both of them. At that point, a capitalist opposition would try to recover their strength. Lula wants to avoid scaring investors or clashing with the IMF. But in a worsening crisis when society is polarised, the government may be pushed into unorthodox measures, regardless of his intentions. Lula says he won't "betray the expectations" of those who voted PT expecting real change. But to do that, he needs a policy which can tackle the economic crisis without punishing still more the workers and poor. The current PT programme does not consistently pose such a policy. No party can meet the expectations of Lula's social basis while at the same time satisfying the financial market and the IMF.
How the Left could growWORKERS' EXPERIENCE of Lula in government could help Brazil's left grow as sections of the PT ranks will see that Lula's "peace and love" policy is his long-term strategy and will look to an alternative. Only great mass struggles will provide the conditions for the growth of a left and socialist project. The left should explain that voting in Lula was important, but just the first step - the workers and youth must be mobilised to conquer our rights through struggle. Lula promises to govern for all sectors of society through negotiation. But there is no way to tackle the crisis without making some part of society pay for it. The balance of forces will determine if working people again bear the burden or if this time workers defeat the national and international elites, even if this means overcoming the PT leaders' limitations. The left should denounce the agreement with the IMF and demand a government without capitalist parties or capitalist politicians. A workers' government faces a stark choice. Does it stop paying off debts merely because Brazil's economy is on its knees? Or does it stop paying off debt to the big capitalists in a purposeful manner, mobilising the workers around an anti-capitalist programme? This programme should pose nationalisation of the banks and finance system under democratic workers' control, renationalisation of privatised companies and all those needed to implement an economic development plan to raise the minimum wage, reduce the working day to create jobs and meet the organised social movements' demands. The PT in government will make the leaders adapt even more to capitalism but it will also lead to opportunities for a consistent PT left. A settling of accounts between the PT's two sides is inevitable. The construction of a new mass workers' party, a left-wing socialist one, may be posed at some stage. The PT left should build towards such a socialist political project and seek unity in action.
PT's fighting history won the electionIN MAY 1978, during the military dictatorship, metalworkers at Saab-Scania in a São Paulo industrial complex walked out in a strike that spread throughout the industry, echoing throughout Brazil and opening a new stage in the country's workers' movement. That strike started the mass struggle that toppled the military regime and heroically resisted the anti-working class policy of governments that followed. In 1980, the Workers Party was founded to "create a channel of political and party expression for the urban and rural workers and all those exploited by capitalism" (PT Political Declaration, 1979). The PT attracted all the most combative elements to fight the dictatorship. It refused to submit its policy to the dictatorship's capitalist opponents such as the MDB (Brazilian Democratic Movement). In its 1979 Charter of Principles, the pro-PT Movement emphasised that the new party would "refuse to affiliate representatives of the exploiting classes, (...) the Workers Party is a party without bosses! " It adopted a critical attitude both to reformist and Stalinist regimes, and supported solidarity with revolutionary struggles in Latin America. PT's deep working-class roots, its mass basis and its class and anti-capitalist positions, made the party a pole of attraction for the combative left. After the enormous mass mobilisation in 1984 throughout Brazil for "Direct Elections Now" the PT campaigned against voting for the capitalist opposition to the military regime. The PT stood Lula as candidate for president in 1989, in the first direct elections after the 1964 military coup but lost narrowly. This electoral defeat and the impact of the collapse of the Stalinist USSR, the defeat of the Sandinistas in Nicaragua and capitalism's ideological offensive in the 1990s all pushed the PT leaders toward more moderate social democratic positions. Sections more to the left took a majority in PT in 1993 but did not constitute an alternative. This only deepened the rightward turn when the old leadership returned. The PT lost an opportunity to win the presidency in 1992, when a mass movement toppled Collor's regime but the leadership supported vice-president Franco instead of demanding new elections. During the Franco government the capitalists launched the Real Plan for economic stabilisation with Cardoso as candidate for president. Illusions in this and the end of hyperinflation gave Cardoso victory in the 1994 and 1998 elections. Cardoso's second government though was marked by permanent crisis leading to PT's victory in the 2002 presidential elections. Today's PT still retains much of its authority. Workers' experience of a PT government may be a decisive milestone on the road to building a mass left alternative to the party leadership's programme.
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Rob Williams - Standing For SocialismSocialist Party Wales has selected Rob Williams to stand in the Aberavon constituency for the Welsh assembly elections 2003. Rob, a 32-year-old Visteon worker from Glyncorrwg is secretary of Port Talbot Socialist Party and a long-standing socialist campaigner. He has led numerous campaigns in Port Talbot and the valleys over the years, defending working class people. In 1989 Rob led the community campaign on the Sandfields estate against the pollution threat from BP Baglan Bay. He was secretary of the successful anti-poll tax campaign in Port Talbot in the early 90's and a key figure in combating the racist Ku Klux Klan in Maesteg. More recently, Rob was to the forefront in fighting against a PFI financed hospital in Baglan arguing instead for a publicly funded NHS hospital with increased staff and facilities. Over the past 18 months Rob Williams has campaigned against the building of an incinerator in Crymlyn Burrows that threatens the health and safety of the residents of Aberavon as well as those of his workmates in Visteon and the surrounding area Rob Williams says: "New Labour has let working class people down across Wales but particularly in Aberavon. I will campaign to get the Crymlyn Burrows incinerator shut down and fight to prevent any further environmentally dangerous sites being imposed on us. "I am opposed to the privatisation of our public services, including PFI, which is being implemented by New Labour and Plaid Cymru local authorities. Public sector workers, in particular the firefighters, should be fully supported in their fight for decent pay and conditions. "I am totally against the preparations for war against Iraq and believe this government should set as its priority paying public sector workers' wages and not waging war against innocent Iraqis. "Unlike the fat cat Welsh Assembly politicians, if elected I would only take the average pay of a skilled worker and donate the rest back to the socialist movement, community campaigns and to trade unionists in struggle."
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Israel's Governing Coalition SplitsTHE ISRAELI 'national unity' government coalition has collapsed following the withdrawal of six Labour ministers. Elections have been called for early next year. Judy BeishonPrime Minister Ariel Sharon's unstable coalition had been ridden with infighting over budget plans for 2003, mainly over which section of the population should suffer the worst cuts! Right-wing nationalist parties in the government want more money to go to Jewish settlers in the occupied territories. Labour leaders opposed this out of fear for their electoral prospects in the imminent race for leader of the party, rather than from any principled stance (the biggest expansion of illegal settlements took place under Labour governments). When the coalition collapsed, Sharon desperately tried to form a new one based more heavily on small far-right parties, so his government could finish its remaining year in office but this failed. Now new elections have been called, as things stand, polls suggest that Sharon's Likud party is likely to make gains. Such gains would be because ordinary people see no viable alternative at present. A majority detest Sharon's programmes of cuts and tax increases but there is no mass workers' party yet to represent working-class interests and to pose a socialist alternative. Palestinians' plightISRAELI WORKERS' anger against the government over the economy has not yet extended to the military conflict. Although most think that negotiations leading to an eventual Palestinian state are necessary, presented with no alternative to Sharon's policy of brutal force to counter Palestinian suicide bombing missions, they support this policy for now. The latest suicide attack, in Northern Israel, was the 145th suicide bombing in this two-year intifada. It once again showed, in a horrific way, the Palestinian masses' sheer desperation in the West Bank and Gaza strip, faced with deteriorating conditions. Curfews, road blocks, arrests and killings by the Israeli Defence Force (IDF) continue on a daily basis. Whole towns in the West Bank are, in reality, huge prison camps with starvation conditions and there are now increasing IDF incursions into the Gaza strip. The Director of the UN Relief and Works Agency said that a higher percentage of children in the occupied territories suffer from chronic and acute malnutrition than in Zimbabwe and the percentage is similar to Congo. The latest devastating edicts of the Israeli government are a ban on water drilling in Palestinian areas and an effective ban on Palestinian farmers being able to harvest their olive orchards, on the grounds that the IDF cannot offer adequate protection from far-right armed Jewish settlers. A violent clash took place recently between settlers at Havat Gilad and the IDF, but generally settlers are given a free hand to harass and sometimes shoot Palestinian villagers. Last month, an entire Palestinian village was forced to flee following attacks by settlers. Sharon's policy of increasing the settlements is designed to create 'facts on the ground' to pre-empt future concessions. PA leaders recently complained to US representatives that they see a 'two-states' solution to the conflict as being jeopardised by new settlements. Continuing resistanceFOR REPRESENTATIVES of the Israeli capitalist class, nothing they do in this bloody conflict will provide peace and security for Israelis. A lengthy period of re-occupation would be very expensive and lead to an increasing number of IDF deaths. A recent mass breaking of the curfew in the West Bank town of Nablus, with thousands risking being shot, showed the Palestinians' will to fight back and their feeling that they have nothing to lose. Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat's Fatah organisation has recently decided against suicide bombings of Israeli civilians, but these continue to be carried out by militias such as Islamic Jihad, and Fatah-linked militias have now turned to increased attacks on Jewish settlers. Neither would a future attempt by representatives of the Israeli capitalist class to enforce a unilateral separation of the territories from Israel or expel Palestinians from the territories altogether, be any solution. Will there be another 'peace' deal? At present, Sharon is rebuffing proposals by the US regime to set more talks in motion and the Palestinian masses have little appetite for a new version of the failed Oslo agreement. However, at some stage a new deal could be signed and lead to an ebb in the conflict, but it would not be a deal that will satisfy the Palestinians' aspirations for their own state and decent living standards. A genuine Palestinian state would be seen as too great a security threat by the Israeli capitalist class and in any case, world capitalist powers would not be rushing in with adequate resources to ensure its development. No capitalist solutionA SOLUTION that offers a decent future to the Palestinian and Jewish masses can only be provided on the basis of working class people taking matters into their own hands and ending capitalism in the occupied territories and in Israel. Only on a socialist basis, with the construction of a socialist Palestine and a socialist Israel as part of a socialist confederation of the Middle East, can a 'final settlement' be reached that will end future bloodshed. Maavak Sozialisti, ( www.maavak.org.il ) a growing Marxist organisation in Israel, affiliated to the CWI (Committee for a Workers' International), is promoting socialist ideas in all its activities. Consisting mainly of young activists with great energy and determination, Maavak Sozial-isti is taking the vital first steps towards the building of a real alternative to the present nightmare situation in the Middle East.
Workers Face Economic CrisisWorst recession in 25 years provokes strike waveSOME JOURNALISTS have suggested that greater defence expenditure is the cause of the present economic crisis. It has increased by around $2 billion a year, so it has certainly worsened the public debt (standing presently at 103% of GDP). But the economy was already in deep crisis before the second intifada broke out. The worldwide bursting of the 'dotcom' bubble hit Israel very badly, as hi-tech industry had been the engine of economic growth, accounting for 70% of exports. A combination of the economic crisis and military conflict has led to a two-thirds collapse in foreign investment and a halving of tourism. With unemployment at 11% and rising, young people are not looking forward to the future. Many question the point of higher education as a large number of educated people are on the dole. The saying going round is that "it's only worth getting a degree because the queues for graduates in the unemployment offices are shorter"! Strike actionISRAELI WORKERS were told by their bosses and government that while the Palestinian Intifada continues, now is not the time to take action and that nothing new would be offered as a result of it. However, workers made it clear that they are not willing to go on suffering from what is the worst recession in Israel for 25 years. Four weeks ago, mounds of rubbish piled up in the streets of cities and towns across the country, stinking in the hot sun. This was the most visual sign of an indefinite strike of municipal workers, struggling against a wage freeze which has meant their pay has not kept up with inflation. Government workers took 'go slow' action at the same time, also demanding improved wages. The action is continuing as no agreement has been reached on cost-of-living allowances in the private sector.
Sharon rewards war criminalWHAT CAN someone accused of war crimes expect from the Israeli state? Promotion! Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, (himself guilty of war crimes when in 1982, as Defence Minister, he allowed right-wing Phalangist militias to enter the Palestinian refugees camps of Sabra and Chatilla and murder 1,800 people) has appointed Israeli army chief of staff, Shaul Mofaz (right), the new Defence Minister. Mofaz is responsible for the IDF tactics of assassinating ('targeted killings') Palestinians in the territories and using Palestinians as human shields when the IDF systematically destroyed the Jenin refugee camp. Mofaz cut short his fundraising tour in Britain last week to return to Israel after Scotland Yard opened an investigation into his alleged war crimes.
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True SpiesDAVID SHAYLER has been given a six-month prison sentence on charges that he acted illegally in blowing the whistle on the undemocratic and murderous activities of Britain's secret state. Ken SmithYet, Special Branch and MI5 officers have been revelling in recounting their own law-breaking and devious activities. The programme True Spies, broadcast on Sundays, BBC2, 9pm, has pulled together much information about the role of the secret state. How they spied on the trade unions, left-wing activists, political organisations and Labour MPs with legal impunity. Other revelations include how union leaders like Joe Gormley and Ray Buckton reported to Special Branch on their fellow trade unionists and that MI5 intervened at the BBC to blacklist playwrights. Of particular interest to many of this paper's readers, is the information that Militant (the forerunner of the Socialist Party) was extensively spied upon from the 1970s onwards. Dave Nellist, the Militant-supporting Labour MP who is now a Socialist Party councillor in Coventry, was targeted by MI5 and Special Branch, precisely because of his publicly espoused links with Militant. But Dave's support for Militant was no secret to the tens of thousands of constituents who voted for him to be Coventry South-East's MP from 1983-92, until he was expelled from the Labour Party for refusing to pay his poll tax. Yet MI5 undemocratically spied on an MP and a political organisation which had thousands of supporters, among whom were other MPs and dozens of councillors. The agent who spied on Dave Nellist also stole details of hundreds of Liverpool Militant supporters who struggled against the Tory government in the mid-1980s. MI5 also claim they filmed a Militant conference. The spy was in a cubby hole for 15 hours with only a bucket to urinate in. How exactly such devotion to duty defended the security of Her Majesty's realm is hard to fathom. One officer claimed the information they received from Special Branch and MI5 agents "beat the [miners'] strike there's no doubt about that." Undoubtedly, the information they provided was used to undermine the strike but there were wider factors at work, especially the effective strike-breaking by prominent union and Labour leaders and the huge onslaught of the police and other state forces. All the state's activities could not stop the huge public support for the miners or the overwhelming support that Dave Nellist had in Coventry or the Liverpool city councillors had in their struggle against Thatcher and the Tories. Nor could the secret state's activities undermine the effective role Militant played in mobilising a mass movement of 18 million non-payers against the poll tax in the early-1990s. That ultimately led to Thatcher's downfall - something none of her secret agents could prevent. Behind the agents' bravado is the true sinister nature of their role. Individuals' lives were blighted at Ford Halewood - Ford only agreed to invest in the plant if the unions were monitored and the plant kept free of 'subversives'. The sinister and absurd nature of the secret state's behaviour continues. The number of applications for telephone taps increased by 15% last year. These activities are a disgrace and travesty of democratic rights and civil liberties, which have to be challenged by socialist and working-class organisations. The Socialist Party calls for the activities of the secret state to be revealed, brought to account and for these agencies to be abolished. The government and the police should be held accountable and put under greater scrutiny at every level, through democratically elected bodies representing working-class organisations, local communities and the public generally.
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