Ending the US-led occupation

One year since the start of the war in Iraq

Ending the US-led occupation

Is it possible and what will follow?

MILLIONS OF people will protest worldwide against the
imperialist occupation of Iraq on 20 March. 
They want to see an end to
bloodshed in the country and for the Iraqi people to decide their own affairs.
 However, many working people are also worried that an end to occupation will
lead to a bloody conflict and the break-up of Iraq. 
NIALL MULHOLLAND considers
this and other key questions.
Q: Would an end to occupation lead to civil war?

This is the scenario put forward by the occupation forces
and their local puppets in the ‘Governing Council’. It is used to justify the
imperialist presence in Iraq and to argue that the US led forces cannot leave
until a new regime to their liking is imposed.

Iraq suffers from sectarian tensions between the Shia and
Sunni Muslims. Horrific bombings, like the recent attacks on Shia worshippers
in Karbala and Baghdad, have led to hundreds of deaths. There are also national
and ethnic differences in Iraq, including the Kurds in the north.

Despite the racist language of Western politicians and the
media, however, these differences are not the result of some inherited bigotry
amongst Iraqis. The ethnic and sectarian tensions that exist are, at root, due
to the role of imperialism in the region.

Yet, time and again, Iraqi working people have shown they
will unite across religious and national lines and struggle for a better life.
Middle East correspondent, Robert Fisk, recently commented: "There never
has been a civil war in Iraq. I have never heard a single word of animosity
between Sunnis and Shias in Iraq," (The Independent, 3 March 2004).

Iraq was an artificial creation, carved out by British
imperialism in 1920, after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. In order to
rule, the British fostered sectarian and national divisions, using their old
policy of ‘divide and rule’. Imperialism leaned on the minority Sunni Muslim
population to govern.

But the Iraqi masses were far from passive. A mass uprising
against imperialist rule took place in 1923 in Southern Iraq and the Kurds in
the north fought for self-determination.

The Iraqi Communist Party’s (ICP) anti-imperialist and
pan-Arab message was popular across ethnic, religious and tribal boundaries. By
the late 1950s, the ICP could have led a successful socialist revolution.
Tragically, due to the ICP leadership’s wrong policies, the chance was lost and
a Ba’ath Party coup in 1963 lead to the murder of many communists.

Ba’athist leader Saddam Hussein mainly based his rule on
the Sunnis and he banned Shia religious festivals. But at different times
Saddam also leaned on different religious and ethnic sections of the
population, playing one off against another.

United workers’ struggles

MASS UNEMPLOYMENT, poverty and a lack of basic utilities
for many people will mean the conditions continue to exist for demagogues to
play on sectarian, national and ethnic differences. In the post-Saddam Hussein
era, a wide range of religious, ethnic and nationalist groups are making claims
to national and local political power. These local right-wing forces use
religious and national differences for their own class interests.

But a descent into civil war is not inevitable. There is a
rich tradition of united workers’ struggles that cuts across religious and
national differences. With its own independent class organisations and a
socialist programme, the Iraqi working class can unite all religious and
national minorities and oppressed groups against imperialism and capitalism.

Socialists call for the immediate end to the occupation and
for the removal of imperialism from Iraq and the Middle East. However, as with
Northern Ireland in the 1970s and 1980s, we also called for the organised
working class to provide a solution, to prevent reactionaries turning the
political vacuum in society into a civil war.

Socialists also support the right of self-determination for
the Kurdish people. It is wrong to believe that the US, United Nations (UN) or
any capitalist constitution or government will liberate Kurds. Under
capitalism, the Kurdish areas are condemned to economic and social stagnation.
The Kurds are oppressed by several states. In Iraq, Kurds live under the burden
of the PUK and KDP, who represent a pro-capitalist and reactionary elite.

Imperialism will not allow the creation of a genuine,
independent Kurdish state, fearing it would act as a pole of attraction to all
the Kurds of the region and other oppressed minorities. To achieve
self-determination requires the socialist transformation of society, so ending
poverty, tribal divisions, and sectarianism.

Socialists support efforts to build independent working
class organisations in Iraq and applaud recent movements of the unemployed and
for women’s rights. We also support the right to self-defence against US
imperialist forces, thugs and reactionaries. All arms should be under the
control of elected committees of workers in the districts, factories and
workplaces.

Along with a socialist programme, which includes democratic
workers’ control and management of industry and the economy, such an
alternative to the bigots and reactionaries would get a huge response from
working people.

Q: Does the new Iraqi Constitution represent the best
‘democratic model’ in the Middle East’?

THE IRAQI Governing Council was appointed by the head of
the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA) in July 2003. Those holding council
seats are reactionary, right wing politicians. One of of them, Ahmed Chalabi, a
close ally of the US, is a convicted fraudster.

The council oversaw the creation of a new Iraqi interim
constitution, which is due to take effect from July, this year. US officials
and the media say the constitution is the "most democratic in the Middle
East". National elections are set to follow on 31 December 2005.

Leaving aside the fact that most Iraqis are more interested
in getting electricity and clean water than constitutions, the interim
constitution is a "major fudge" between the interests of the
different communities and nationalities. It is not clear if separate groups
will have a veto over new government decisions.

The constitution states that federalism will not be based
on ethnicity but it also says that Kurdish self-government will continue. The
Sunni Muslims felt largely ignored during negotiations, leading to fears of a
"Sunni backlash".

Many Kurds believe the new interim constitution represents
democracy, a federal state and the first step towards independence. But the
Kurdish people have often been betrayed by local and imperialist powers.

The constitution does not rule on majority Kurdish cities
like Kirkuk, and surrounding areas, which have vast oil reserves. Given this,
the reactionary leaders of the Kurdish parties, the PUK and KDP, which
collaborate with imperialism, are trying to dampen down aspirations for
independence.

Under the interim constitution, Islam will be the official
state religion and a "source" of legislation. This will be used by
the right-wing Islamists as a way of trying to introduce their strict Islamic
codes. This makes a mockery of the "equal rights for all" enshrined
in the constitution. Women and young people, especially, will find their rights
and liberty under attack.

Without real economic development and a transformation of
people’s living standards, capitalist rule in Iraq will always be unstable. The
ruling class and imperialists will use whatever means they decide are necessary
to rule. This can mean, at times, introducing a veneer of ‘democracy’, while
real power lies with the armed forces.

The interim constitution, in theory, guarantees freedom of
speech and assembly, but the occupation forces have shown they will put down
protests, including attempts to organise unions, using brute repression. (see
opposite)

Socialists demand real democratic rights in Iraq, including
the right to assembly, freedom of speech and to organise unions. We say no to
the stooge Governing Council. Working people in Iraq should decide their own
future. We call for the immediate convening of a democratically elected
constituent assembly, representing the working class, the rural poor and the
genuine organisations of the women and youth. A majority workers’ and peasants’
constituent assembly would immediately move to introduce a socialist programme.

Q: Would life get better for Iraqis if the Democrats win
the US presidential race?

MANY WORKERS in the West hope that if the US Democrats win
the 2004 presidency the situation in Iraq will improve radically. Of course,
there are differences between the Republicans and Democrats, on domestic and
foreign policy. Essentially, however, both parties represent the interests of
US big business and imperialism.

The majority of Democrats, including Kerry, supported the
Iraq war and, before that, the war against Afghanistan. (see page 4) A John
Kerry administration in the White House would act to defend the interests of
imperialism in the Middle East and Iraq.

Kerry has only attacked Bush’s war because he knows it is
hugely unpopular with many US voters. However, the Democrats are no strangers
to imperialist adventures. The Clinton Presidency created many of the
conditions for today’s world of terror and wars. Clinton was a fervent advocate
of globalisation and neo-liberalism; policies that increased the exploitation
and suffering of the people of the Middle East and neo-colonial world.

He also was a close ally of the Israeli regime and of many
reactionary Arab regimes. These policies cause huge anger and resentment across
the world, and helped to feed right wing political Islam.

Therefore the conditions facing Iraqis will not be in any
way fundamentally better if the Democrats win the Presidential elections.

Neither would the UN play a progressive role in Iraq. The
UN is an organisation that is dominated by the big nation states, whose
governments, in turn, are dominated by their national ruling class. For over a
decade, the UN was responsible for sanctions against Iraq that led to the
deaths of an estimated one million people. The UN runs countries like Bosnia
and Afghanistan in an autocratic manner, implementing capitalist policies.

Q: Who can end imperialist occupation and really liberate
the Iraqi people?

THE ARMED resistance to imperialist occupation comes from a
variety of sources, including ex-Ba’athists and Sunnis. Reportedly, increasing
numbers of Shias are getting involved, as their situation fails to get any
better.

The West accuse Sunni and al-Qa’ida forces for mounting
indiscriminate attacks to foster sectarian and national divisions and to
provoke civil war.

Socialists condemn attacks on innocent Iraqis. Right-wing
Islamists may be fighting imperialist forces but they are completely
reactionary. They would impose an anti-working class and clerical dictatorship
if they came to power. But it is also possible that supporters of the Iraqi
puppet regime are behind some of the bombing outrages.

The spectre of all-out sectarian war is used by the
occupation forces to try to justify their presence. Imperialism has a bloody
and long history of using atrocities to divide and rule, from Algeria to
Ireland.

Whoever is behind the indiscriminate bombings, their clear
aim is to cut across Iraqi’s history of strong national identity and united
class struggle. The main political parties in Iraq have the same aims. They
represent religious and national groupings and also foment division.

There is no mass socialist alternative. The Iraqi Communist
Party, repeating its past mistakes, is part of the US puppet regime.

Only the working class and poor can show a way out. Many
Iraqi women felt that with the arrival of US troops, they would gain more
rights. But women have had to fight for their own interests, against the
occupation and the fundamentalists, as have the unemployed and trade unionists.

The fight for democratic rights is a fight against US
imperialism and its pro-capitalist puppets inside Iraq. Imperialism will use
repression against all opposition to its rule and especially against the
potentially powerful working class. Advances by the working class will threaten
imperialist profits and prestige, and the continued existence of the
neighbouring Arab dictatorships.

Therefore the fight for democratic rights is fundamentally
an anti-capitalist fight. To safeguard and to extend democratic rights in Iraq
means a battle for an alternative system – socialism.

See also, CWI statement: One year on from US led war: Iraq
suffers under imperialist occupation, at www.socialistworld.net


Iraq’s Workers Get Organised

IN IRAQ, Ba’ath Party law and Ba’ath Party institutions supposedly are being rooted out and democracy brought in. But one of Paul Bremer’s first actions, as head of the occupation, was to ratify Saddam Hussein’s 1987 law banning strikes in the public sector.

Three months into the occupation, Bremer announced a new wage table, with wage cuts for everyone – except the tops of the administration. The bottom rung of the wage table was set at less than half the sweatshop wages in the free trade zones in Iran and Jordan – and that was in the context of runaway inflation in Iraq.

Not surprisingly, trade unions started springing up and strike action wasn’t far behind.

The US Bechtel Corporation, (which got its fingers burned when it tried to privatise the Bolivian water industry a few years ago) was handed the Iraqi Railways among other enterprises. In response, 600 railworkers in the Baghdad Railway Works held a mass meeting, elected representatives and sent them to stop management dealing with the ‘yellow’ (scab) union and to get recognition for the new, genuine union.

US troops pointed their guns at the delegation but the railworkers stood firm, gaining recognition.

These were workers who’d stayed behind in the sheds with their trains during the bombings – to put out fires and protect their industry. No-one was going to bully them in their own workplace.

Workers in the oil refineries also know their own power. In late January 2004, Southern Oil Company workers won a battle over wages and conditions that had been going on for three months.

First, they won in negotiations with their own management. And only then did they take on Bremer and the occupation. Their fear was that the British Army would be brought in to operate the oil pumps. The union announced that if that happened, oil workers would join the armed resistance. The occupation authority caved in, pretty quickly!

The electricity sector workers in Basra had supported the oil sector workers. In late January, they went on strike themselves. At one power station, they stormed the administration building and seized their brutal boss.

He’d been paying slave wages and paying women less than men. He’d refused to recognise the union and he’d closed the creche. He’d discontinued health and safety equipment and he’d cut the old annual bonus.

At all the power stations, management said they were only carrying out occupation authority policy. The workers told them that they’d either accept the union’s wage rates – plus equal pay for women, maternity pay and creches at all workplaces – or they’d turn off the lights all over Iraq!

Unsurprisingly, the Energy Minister agreed terms. The effect of these victories on the confidence of working class people and their willingness to struggle has been electric.

So, it’s not surprising that the US authorities see the trade unions and trade unionists as a threat to their plans to privatise and super-exploit a new ‘Iraq plc’.

The offices of the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions have been raided and ransacked by the US army. So have the offices of the Workers’ Communist Party and the Union of Unemployed.

Through his “Public Notice Number One”, Bremer has given the occupation authority broad powers to detain anyone inciting civil disorder as prisoners of war. And this covers leaflets and speeches promoting strike action. But, he hasn’t dared to use those powers. The working class is too powerful.

These are critical times in the Iraqi labour and trade union movement. The Iraqi working class is moving into action – and they need strong support from the organised working class internationally.