Kurdish people’s struggle: No Trust In Imperialist Powers

Kurdish people’s struggle

No Trust In Imperialist Powers

SINCE THE war on Iraq, the Kurds have stood out in stark
contrast to the rest of the Middle East. They welcomed the war, fought for
the US, and celebrated the occupation as liberation. Their leaders even
offered Kurdish fighters to help put down insurgents in the rest of Iraq!

Paula Mitchell

The seemingly close relationship between the US and the
Iraqi Kurdish leaders has so far benefited the US enormously, both by
providing a fighting force and for propaganda purposes. But the socialist
has warned throughout that it could all fall apart if the Kurds felt their
aspirations being thwarted.

Since 1991 the Kurds have enjoyed autonomy in the ‘safe
haven’ in northern Iraq, protected from Saddam Hussein by western fly-overs.
The US deliberately cultivated illusions in its ability to offer a solution.
Standards of living have gone up. The Coalition Provisional Authority has
put money into the Kurdish area; roads, schools and water facilities have
been constructed.

But the US could never be trusted to genuinely help the
Kurds. They were happy to use them as their advance ground troops against
Saddam, but will only ever ‘help’ oppressed nations when it suits their own
imperialist interests.

The West fears a Middle East conflagration if Iraqi
Kurds gain independence or even strong autonomy. Kurds in Turkey, Syria and
Iran would all fight to achieve the same. Already there have been clashes in
Syria. Kongra-Gel, the new name for the PKK (Kurdish fighters) in Turkey,
now threatens to return to armed struggle.

Now Kurdish members of Iraq’s new government could
resign after the new UN resolution failed to recognise Kurdish autonomy. The
resolution endorses the transfer of sovereignty by the end of June, but it
does not endorse Iraq’s interim constitution, which enshrines the Kurds’
autonomy.

UN leaders fear the moderate Shi’ite leader al-Sistani
would rebel at concessions to the Kurds. Kurdish leaders are furious.
"This is not what we fought for, what we committed to and what we
sacrificed for – we’re very disappointed in the US", said public works
minister Nasreen Berwari.

When the constitution was first agreed in March, Kurdish
areas rejoiced. One Kurd said "I am delighted. Kirkuk is Kurdish and
the Kurds want Kirkuk. We want its oil. I believe the signing of the
document today means that Kirkuk is now a part of Kurdistan." Another
said, "This is what we always wanted. This is the first step towards
independence."

Sticking points

IN TRUTH, though, even if the UN had accepted the March
agreement, it still would not give Kurds these things. The three main
sticking points are the peshmerga (fighters), which the Kurds refuse to
disband, territory and the oil.

The Kurd leaders want to expand their borders to include
cities with Kurdish majorities, and want the years of ‘Arabisation’ of
Kurdish areas reversed. Particularly disputed is the city of Kirkuk,
ethnically mixed and the centre of oil production.

The amount of oil revenues set aside for the Kurdish
region is also contested. The Kurds want oil revenues proportionate to their
population size, unacceptable to the US who want to bag the profits for
their own oil companies.

The mood amongst Iraqi Kurds is high. They won’t give up
autonomy lightly, and many want a lot more. In March, 1.7 million signed a
petition calling for a referendum on independence.

Unfortunately, though, neither Barzani nor Talabani,
leaders of the main Kurdish parties, offer a programme that can galvanise
the mass of the Kurdish population and also win over the region’s Arabs,
Turks etc to fight for and achieve real liberation. Despite their words of
protest, they sent a joint letter to Bush on 1 June saying: "We will be
loyal friends to America even if our support is not always
reciprocated".

In May a conference in London highlighted investment
opportunities in oil, gas, communications, education and health for Western
companies in Kurdish Iraq. Ensuring that Kurdistan is ripe for foreign
investment means ensuring low pay, low regulation and privatisation.

For too long Kurdish leaders have put their faith in
different imperialist powers to solve the Kurdish problem. The mass of
ordinary Kurds, as with the workers and poor across Iraq, need their own
organisations.

These could fight against privatisation and low pay, and
develop a socialist programme with genuinely mass appeal. That is the only
way to successfully fight against imperialism and for their national
aspirations.