The Socialist Issue 246

LAST WEEKEND over 500,000 marched through the streets of Barcelona against the European heads of states' meeting in that city. This was the biggest anti-capitalist demonstration yet.

Hannah Sell

The demonstrators were trade unionists and young people, there to protest at the continuing proposals for privatisation and cuts in services coming from the European governments.

Blair went to this meeting, along with right-wing government ministers from Spain and Italy, to push the heads of state into carrying out more privatisation and more attacks on working-class people. In a meeting of capitalist, right wing governments Blair stood alongside Berlusconi, on the far-right!

But the huge demonstration on Barcelona's streets should act as a warning to Blair - he and his cronies in Europe are going to face massive opposition to their policies.

Here in Britain the NUT (the teachers' union) in London took strike action over the right to a wage that you can survive on in London, one of the most expensive cities on the planet. Ten thousand angry teachers, mainly young, marched through the streets of the capital.

The postal workers' union demonstrated on 16 March against the sell-off of postal services. At the postal workers' rally it was when speakers from the platform attacked the government and threatened to stop funding New Labour that they received the biggest cheers.

In the months following the 11 September attack on the World Trade Center and the brutal war in Afghanistan, Blair and Co. could, to some extent, get away with implementing unpopular domestic policies because working-class people's attention was on the world arena.

That's no longer the case and more and more workers, especially in the public sector, are moving into action.

The capitalist press also speculated gleefully that 11 September could lead to the demise of the anti-capitalist movement. Instead opposition to the war in Afghanistan and the threats against Iraq are feeding into the anti-capitalist movement - which is growing in strength and is starting to become a movement not only of young people, but also of the working class.

All of these struggles are laying the basis for a growth of socialist ideas. Join the Socialist Party and fight for a better future.

Hands Off Our Council Housing

BIRMINGHAM CITY council is balloting council tenants. They are threatening tenants that their homes will be sold off to unelected, unaccountable quangoes.

Clive Walder

The council plans to sell off all 88,000 council homes to an umbrella group, Birmingham Housing Association. Socialist Party members report strong opposition to these plans from tenants they speak to on stalls and in door-to-door canvassing.

New Labour are telling local councils to sell off all their housing stock within a decade. This flies in the face of reality. The private market, rented or bought accommodation, can't meet the needs of most working-class people.

Since 1981 over two million council homes have been lost while only half a million housing association homes have replaced them. Lack of housing and sky-high housing costs are freezing out vital workers like nurses and teachers.

For existing tenants, being transferred to housing associations means loss of security, higher rents and fewer repairs.

Birmingham council seem desperate for a yes vote. UNISON, the council workers' union, have accused the council of falsifying the results of tenant consultation, which they are using as justification for the ballot.

Some accusations stem from 'whistleblowing' by staff involved in door-to-door canvassing on the council's behalf. Local managers are tempted with the offer of long-term jobs if they produce the 'right' results in the consultation.

The council claim strong support for privatisation among council tenants. But it is alleged that staff carrying out doorstep consultation are virtually instructed to secure 'yes' votes from tenants.

People expressing uncertainty or simply saying that they'd like improvements to their houses are allegedly marked down as favouring privatisation.

The Birmingham Evening Mail visited roads where the council say there's support for privatisation and found that they hadn't even been canvassed!

The campaign must ensure that all council tenants are given an alternative to the council's wrecking policies.

No to council housing sell-offs. Campaigns linking tenants and the trades unions can beat housing privatisation.

Bring the banks, finance and construction companies into public ownership. Then we can cancel interest payments from councils and write off their housing debts (some councils pay up to half their housing budgets in interest).

For a massive programme of publicly funded, good quality, affordable homes under the control of tenants, local communities, trade unions and the working class as a whole.

TENANTS IN Aylesbury estate in Southwark, south London, recently rejected privatisation and transfer proposals. Now Southwark tenants in Working Against Tenancy Transfers and privatisation (WATT) are holding a public meeting entitled Should WATT stand in the council elections? Saturday 23 March at the Amersham Centre, Thurlow Street, Walworth SE 17 at 2pm.

Barcelona EC summit

Biggest Anti-Capitalist Demo So Far

ON SATURDAY 16 March, half a million people marched through Barcelona as European Union (EU) leaders met to further 'liberalise' and privatise their economies. This was the biggest anti-capitalist demonstration since the movement began.

Members of the Committee for a Workers' International (CWI) - which the Socialist Party is affiliated to - and International Socialist Resistance (ISR) give their impressions of the protests.

The Spanish government tried to stop the movement by refusing entrance to demonstrators from France and Belgium. But the demo clearly showed that the bulk of the opposition movement was coming from inside Spain itself."

"The demo is huge. This shows the enormous potential of an opposition movement against right-wing policies and against capitalism. There are few political contingents present. Most people are not walking in organised contingents, it is very spontaneous.

The few political groups making interventions keep this limited to the sidelines without giving an idea of how to bring the movement forward. From this movement a lot could be done to oppose the right-wing government of Aznar (Spanish prime minister and ally of Tony Blair and Silvio Berlusconi in trying to attack workers' rights). But we need a political instrument for that. The need for a political alternative is a key issue for socialists in Spain."

"The right-wing government of Aznar is leading the campaign for privatising public services. Now they are discussing privatising the energy sector. It won't be a service for the people but organised to maximise profits.

This will have huge negative effects, especially for the poorest layers in society. That's why it's important that so many Spanish youth and workers came out onto the streets to protest."

"The demo was peaceful, at the end there were problems with the police. The police had already been nervous for quite some time and at the end of the demo they attacked the back where there were many anarchists.

We heard that the police used rubber bullets. A Belgian student was slightly wounded by one. We think the Spanish government needed riots as a desperate attempt to portray the movement as marginal or violent.

The orchestrated riots are an attempt to discredit the growing anti-capitalist resistance. But the demo in Barcelona shows that this is a desperate tactic which hasn't succeeded.

Barcelona was a new and important step forward for the anti-capitalist movement."

Diary Of The Demos

A 400,000 strong sea of people march in Barcelona with another 40,000 in Zaragoza to demand the scrapping of the Plan Hidrologico Nacional (PHN). It is two hours before the back of the march can leave the departure point.

There are thousands of banners and placards against the PHN, the prime minister Aznar, his right wing Popular Party government and the Catalan government and its leader Jordi Pujol. The 18 month long government propaganda campaign to win support for their scheme to redirect the river Ebro has failed!

One hundred students from the Barcelona University, the Polytechnic University of Barcelona and the Autonomous University of Barcelona have launched a two-day sit-in at the Economic Faculty of Barcelona University. They are reflecting the anger of students at the suspension of classes so that the EU summit can go ahead.

More than 100,000 trade unionists march from the Plaza de Urquinaona in Barcelona demanding "A Europe with full employment and social rights". Spanish workers are joined by other workers from France, Italy, Belgium, Britain, Portugal, Slovenia and other countries in a mass march against the policies of the EU.

The demo is led by the general secretaries of CCOO (Jose Maria Fidalgo), UGT (Candido Mendez) and CES (Emilio Cabaglio). Even these weak trade union leaders are being forced to echo the fears of workers. Candido Mendez calls on the EU leaders to stop using market 'liberalisation' as a cover for privatisation and attacks on public services. But workers on this demo and increasingly throughout Europe are realising that these words need to be backed up with effective action.

As EU leaders sit in plush surroundings signing away workers' rights, real power lies in the streets of Barcelona as 500,000 march through the city in protest at globalisation and capitalism.

The organisers were expecting about 50,000 but they came in their tens of thousands singing and dancing their way around the streets of the Catalan capital. There are thousands of banners and placards. One banner says "Globalise Solidarity", expressing the instinctive desire to widen and deepen the anti-capitalist fight.

At the front of the march there is a massive banner saying "Contra la Europa del capital y la Guerra. Otro mundo es possible" (Against capitalism in Europe and war. Another world is possible). Two hours and two kilometres after the front of the march has reached its destination the back hasn't yet started!

Those who thought that the anti-capitalist movement would die away after 11 September have made a serious error. The decision to deepen the 'liberalisation' of the market, taken by the pampered EU leaders in their isolated summit, will only enrage workers and youth even more in the months and years ahead.

Postal Workers March Against Privatisation

UP TO 3,000 postal workers joined a demonstration through central London on 16 March.

This followed the announcement by the postal regulator that the letter delivery service would be opened up to private companies. The demonstration was significant as the first national trade union demonstration against New Labour's policies.

The fact that union activists came from all over the country, including Scotland, to the march and rally shows how future demonstrations could be much bigger with an enthusiastic drive through the branches of the Communication Workers' Union (CWU).

The many, often unofficial, walkouts over the last few months shows postal workers' anger over bullying management, poor pay and now threats to jobs from privatisation.

At the rally, Mick Rix of the train drivers' union, ASLEF received warm applause for attacking Blair's links with the right-wing government of Italy's Silvio Berlusconi.

Guest speaker and former Labour MP, Tony Benn, attacked the pro-business programme of the Labour government which was alienating working class support. He exclaimed that "The public are now to the Left of the Labour government."

This was hardly a revelation. The Socialist Party has consistently argued that New Labour has become another capitalist party and that the task of socialists is to help construct a new workers' party. However, Benn remains firmly wedded to Labour and instead advocated the forlorn hope that the unions could act to transform Labour into a working-class party.

Billy Hayes, CWU general secretary, ridiculed the privatisation of the Post Office which would "make Railtrack look like a model of efficiency". He claimed that the current problems in the Post Office are due to a "failure to invest by the government".

Hayes was scathing toward Tony Blair and John Prescott who had previously said 'no privatisation' and demanded the government sack the Post Office regulator.

And although content at the support given by CWU-sponsored Labour MPs for retaining public ownership of the Post Office, he warned New Labour that privatisation would risk the union's funding of Labour. And that in future "we'll deploy it [the political fund] where it counts".

His strategy to fight privatisation fell short of industrial action and linking-up with other public-sector workers in a one-day general strike. Instead he preferred a broad campaign with support from the Scottish Parliament, the Wales and the Northern Ireland Assemblies.

He wanted support from political parties including capitalist parties such as the Liberals, Plaid Cymru and the Scottish National Party. But he also welcomed the support of Left parties and organisations including the Socialist Party.

"THE ATTITUDE of local management is the main problem as far as most postal workers are concerned now.

But my reaction to these latest proposals is, what's most important, providing a service or making money? Already they're talking about whacking the first class stamp up to 33p as a direct result of the regulator, who's supposed to be there to protect the customers."

CWU rep, Dartford

'Virgin Strikers' On The March

IN A week when MPs put their pay up to £55,000 and schools minister Estelle Morris' pay to over £135,000 - teachers in London went on strike to demand enough money to live on.

Debra Morano, Newham National Union of Teachers (NUT) committee member, personal capacity

All teachers have suffered a barrage of attacks, including OFSTED and SATS testing, targets and monitoring. This workload adds up to a 60-hour week. Young teachers are leaving the capital in droves, fed up waiting for their pay to increase as fast as the paperwork.

It was unanimously agreed by NUT members in my school to vote for strike action, so the whole school was closed on 14 March. In the build-up, members borough-wide were enthusiastic about the demonstration. At last we had an opportunity to make our voices heard.

Estelle Morris' comments, through pursed lips, that teachers are 'unprofessional' and the strike would be detrimental to the children's education only served to fuel our anger. Teacher shortages will prove far more damaging in the long run.

A finely tuned operation for the demo included a human banner with 20 members wearing a letter each (a logistical nightmare!), whistles and a collection of catchy political songs, undoubtedly stirred the more experienced teachers around us.

Many were on strike for the first time, some wearing homemade badges declaring: "I'm a virgin striker."

The success of the march is due to the work of Socialist Party and Socialist Teachers' Alliance members who mobilised from the ground, leading general secretary Doug McAvoy and the right-wing of the union.

The 10,000-strong demo was inspirational, with members demanding £6,000 London weighting, matching the police. A fresh layer of members are ready to escape their cloak of 'professionalism' and see themselves as workers. They understand the need to campaign with other public sector unions, particularly UNISON.

The Left needs to be bold, to ensure that this enthusiasm is built upon. The NUT leadership can no longer ignore its members.

"THIS IS not a day just to let off steam and wait until next year. Rather it has to be the first step in an ongoing campaign of action to get £6,000 for all London teachers now - before the London education service collapses.

I will be arguing that the union should lead that action, particularly in view of UNISON now moving closer to a strike on the same issue and talks of merger with the NASUWT."

Linda Taaffe, NUT executive member for outer London, addressing the strike rally

AT LEWISHAM NUT's annual meeting before the strike, we unanimously agreed a motion calling for a £6,000 allowance and if the government fails to respond, to take further action next term.

Martin Powell-Davies, Lewisham NUT

We believed this should include further strike action co-ordinated with other unions like UNISON and the second school teachers' union, NASUWT. We also called for non-strike action such as refusal to cover or split classes beyond the first day of unforeseen absence. This was put to the rally at the end of the demonstration and was agreed by popular acclaim.

Local union secretaries will be meeting on 21 March to discuss our next moves and there will be further discussion at the NUT conference over Easter.

No Support For Bush's War

AS BRITAIN'S Defence Secretary Geoff Hoon sends 1,700 British commandos to fight al-Qa'ida and Taliban in Afghanistan, opinion polls suggest there will be big opposition if Blair backs US escalation of military action to attack Saddam Hussein in Iraq.

By Roger Shrives

An ICM survey in The Guardian shows 51% disapprove of Britain joining US President Bush's posse to re-fight the 1991 Gulf War.

Bush's war with Afghanistan has not brought any of the burning issues of the Middle Eastern area nearer to solution. Quite the opposite. US special envoy Anthony Zinni has spent the last week in desperate 'shuttle diplomacy' to try to set up peace talks between the Israeli state and the Palestinians.

It has achieved little and the death toll rises daily. In the first half of this month over 160 Palestinians and 30 Israelis have been killed.

In Ramallah in the West bank, Israeli troops besieged the local hospital, its 100 staff and 80 patients, cutting off water, electricity and phone links as bulldozers ripped out trenches in the road. Israeli state forces justified this as revenge after Palestinian terrorists killed 13 Israelis.

Zinni's peace shuttle can't convince even the most reactionary leaders of the Arab states that America is acting from disinterested motives on Iraq.

US vice-president Dick Cheney, on his 11-nation tour of the Middle East, met Crown Princes Abdullah of Saudi Arabia and Salman of Bahrain, who both said an invasion of Iraq was not in their interests. Salman said that the people dying in the streets today aren't dying from Iraqi action but from Israeli attacks.

The US still claims that Iraq is acquiring weapons of mass destruction - Arab rulers want to warn Saddam to comply with UN resolutions and to accept the return of UN weapons inspectors. But they are worried about the effect of military action.

Many Arab workers and peasants ask why the US expects Iraq to comply with UN resolutions while for decades US representatives at the UN have vetoed all calls for Israel to end its occupation of Arab territory.

Military leaders in Britain have warned Blair that Saudi Arabia wouldn't let its bases be used without a Middle East peace deal and that finding a replacement for Saddam acceptable to both the West and the Middle East would be very difficult.

There are even rumbles in the Labour Party - where over 100 backbenchers oppose military action and even cabinet minister Clare Short hints at quitting her cabinet post if Blair supported "blind military action in Iraq".

Blair's backing of Bush's plans have made him increasingly isolated within Europe and a head of steam is building up in the trade unions against Blair's policies. A minority of New Labour MPs may now speak out against Bush's plans which centre around maintaining US interests in the world.

Bush may well ignore the warnings and use economic threats to try get compliance from many Middle Eastern rulers. But they fear that the mood amongst the Arab masses, already explosive after Afghanistan, could erupt and threaten their rule.

Even the reactionary King Abdullah of Jordan warns of a "regional catastrophe". The workers and poor in the region have to fight to build their own independent organisations to overthrow their reactionary leaders as part of the international struggle for socialism.

THE RIGHT-WING Berlusconi government has provoked a tidal wave of anger and struggle from the Italian workers, culminating in the three main trade union confederations agreeing to call a general strike in April.

Socialist Party general secretary, PETER TAAFFE, recently returned from Italy, reports on this fightback and important developments on the Left

Italian Working Class Moves Into Action

IMAGINE THAT Margaret Thatcher managed somehow to claw her way back to power. It would be possible then to begin to envisage the horror which confronts the Italian people, particularly the working class, under the present Berlusconi government.

The right-wing Berlusconi government was blown out of office by a mass revolt in 1994 after barely nine months. But now he has returned, and with a vengeance, to attack the cherished rights and conditions of the Italian workers.

His Forza Italia-led government is a coalition whose junior partners are: the reactionary nationalist Northern League led by Bossi and the so-called 'post-fascist' Alleanza Nazionale (National Alliance - AN) under Fini.

'Olive Tree' failure

The basis for the return of Silvio Berlusconi was created by the complete failure of the previous government - the 'Olive Tree' coalition, composed of the ex-Communist Party, now 'rechristened' as the Democrats of the Left (DS), and different capitalist parties.

This government presided over a worsening of the conditions of the Italian workers. Neo-liberal measures were introduced into the factories and the workplaces, including partial privatisation in the state sector and the massive extension of 'precarious', that is temporary and casual, contracts for workers.

The consequent disillusion and abstention of significant sections of the youth and the working class, rather than massive endorsement of Berlusconi and his policies, explains his climb back to power.

But the installation of this new government has acted as a crack of thunder to reawaken working-class resistance.

This is reflected in a wave of massive strikes, intense discussion within the labour movement and unprecedented ferment in the parties and movements on the left.

But the seemingly unassailable majority which the right enjoys in both houses of parliament, 368 of the 630 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 177 out of 315 elected seats in the Senate, has compelled the opposition to take to the streets.

The temper of the Italian working class was reflected in the massive turnout at Genoa last July, with the organised workers, particularly the metalworkers and the left-wing Rifondazione Comunista (Communist Refoundation - RC), providing the backbone of that demonstration. This was followed by the huge anti-war demonstration from Perugia to Assisi, previously reported in The Socialist.

In Italy it is impossible to open a newspaper without seeing accounts of strikes, demonstrations and intense clashes at public meetings, particularly of the left.

On 2 March 500,000 participated in a demonstration in Rome, initiated by the DS, to express anger at Berlusconi's continued ownership of the three main private television stations and his decision to stuff the board of the state television service RAI with a majority of his own creatures.

It is not just the working class but also the intellectuals, artists and significant sections of the middle class who vehemently express opposition to Berlusconi and also come out onto the streets.

Berlusconi does not even hide behind the fig leaf of an 'independent media' which exists in other European countries. His new law means that company managers can be excluded from holding public office but not the owners of these companies! The only position that he has been compelled to resign from is the honorary presidency of AC Milan football club!

A concern of Europe's ruling classes (with the exception it seems of Tony Blair) is that Berlusconi's government is extremely provocative towards the working class and is in the process of igniting a social explosion. This in turn could reverberate throughout Europe.

Their concerns are well merited given the strikes and demonstrations which have swept through Italy in the last few months.

The day after the demonstration in Rome a strike of all 'local' train crews paralysed the country. This merely anticipates what could be one of the biggest demonstrations in recent Italian history on 23 March in Rome as a prelude to a general strike called for 5 April.

The Italian workers have compelled the moderate leaders of the trade union confederation, the CGIL, to threaten this action unless the government backs down over its attacks on Article 18 of the labour law which was only won through bitter struggles in the 1960s and 1970s, and which gives some defence at least against 'unjust' sackings.

For both the bosses and the workers, the struggle over this issue is of vital importance. Italy, in common with the rest of the eurozone, faces a drastic reduction in economic growth in the next period, with an inexorable rise in unemployment.

Economic hardship

La RepuBblica on 11 February reported that growth this year in Italy may be a mere 1.1%, just half of what it was last year. The pain will be felt by workers throughout Italy with already almost 10% unemployment nationally.

In the South it is much worse. In Palermo in Sicily 120,000 workers, a crushing 29 per cent, are unemployed, three times the national average. This explains why in Gela, a town in Sicily, a near insurrectionary strike with barricades took place over the closure threat to a petrochemical plant. This forced the authorities to temporarily retreat.

The 23 March demo and the 5 April general strike will see an outpouring of massive opposition and discontent at the conditions of workers under rotten Italian capitalism and its present instrument for driving these down, the Berlusconi-Bossi-Fini government.

In February, the CGIL leaders cancelled the proposed public sector strike at short notice, claiming a victory, but with most grades of workers unsatisfied, as we reported previously. Nevertheless, COBAS and other 'unions of the base' organised a mighty demonstration of 100,000 in Rome.

If the trade union leaders once more back away (which latest reports indicate is unlikely) the massive discontent with the lack of a clear programme of action to defeat Berlusconi will intensify. This discontent has been directed particularly at d'Alema, the president of the DS.

Workers and youth were also previously alienated by the DS leaders who cancelled their party's participation on the Saturday demonstration in Genoa, last July, after the murder of Carlo Giuliani. This was compounded by their support for the war in Afghanistan, which was met with enormous hostility on the demonstration from Perugia to Assisi.

All of this is leading to the threat of an exodus from this party of workers and young people who, despite the past rightward shift of the DS, held out hopes for its transformation in a left direction. Amongst other things the 2 March Rome demonstration was an attempt by the DS leadership to recapture the lost ground.

But it is noticeable that there is no attempt to connect the struggle for democratic rights with the economic and social problems confronting the working class and, in the process, tying this to a programme for the socialist transformation of Italy. The criticisms of the RC against the DS are correct. But the RC itself has not come forward with a clear programme to answer the needs of the Italian workers.

The formation and continued existence of the RC is a conquest for the Italian workers and to some extent for the European working class as a whole.

It represents a continuation of a left, radical workers' party and the hope that, with the correct policies, it could become a significant mass socialist force, conquering majority support amongst the Italian working class.

However, the RC has not yet developed into a clear socialist and revolutionary alternative.

It had an ambiguous position towards the Olive Tree government, of 'critical support' for a long period but it did not spell out on all occasions a clear alternative.

There is now much talk by the leadership of the RC, as evidenced in comments by Bertinotti (see report right), that there is "no possibility of reforming capitalism". This is to be welcomed. But it is not sufficient just to assert this; it is necessary to outline a programme which indissoluably connects the day-to-day demands in education and industry, on Article 18, with a new socialist society.

Programme

Worked-out proposals to take into public ownership the media resources currently controlled by Berlusconi on a democratic basis, as well as the monopolies, and many other proposals, should be spelt out together with the idea of the democratic, socialist transformation of Italy.

This should be linked to a clear programme for struggle, particularly on key issues such as the general strike. The RC should, as the Committee for a Workers' International (CWI - see below) has suggested, campaign for the formation of elected committees in all workplaces, colleges and schools, with mass assemblies, in preparation for the strike.

It should be used as a day for hammering home the incapacity of capitalism to solve the problems of the Italian workers and a programme for further action, along the lines of that suggested by the CWI, to force Berlusconi's capitulation and drive him from power.

A real alternative government is not just a new version of the Olive Tree, which would inevitably disappoint the Italian workers, if it remains, as it inevitably would, within the framework of capitalism.

Only a real workers' government would be capable of transforming society. This would involve the building of a mass socialist revolutionary force with the RC at its core.

But unfortunately the RC has not yet faced up to this task. It has been in existence now for eleven years and has yet to formulate a rounded out Marxist, revolutionary programme.

This has contributed to a mood amongst workers and particularly the youth of seeking other avenues in which to channel their struggle. We have seen in Italy the growth of the Social Forums, which represent the searching for an alternative to capitalism, along with an intense debate on the issue of 'movement or party' amongst radical and socialist layers in Italy.

The turning away of a section of young people and workers from the idea of a party is itself a reflection of the rejection of top-down Stalinist methods which exercised a big influence, and to some extent still do, on the Italian labour movement.

It is also a reaction to the right-wing shift of the official leaders of the labour movement, both of the traditional, 'reformist' right and those who were formerly on the left.

An element of 'Argentina', ie a rejection of all 'parties', affects Italy as it does most countries of Europe at the present time. Spontaneous struggle can play a big part in overthrowing governments as the example of Argentina has shown.

Revolutionary party

But history attests to the fact that unless working people are organised to construct an alternative government and a democratic state, controlled and managed by the mass of the people at every level, in an alternative socialist society, capitalism can make a comeback even when it appears to be on its knees, as it was in Portugal in 1974-75.

Therefore, suspicion towards right-wing leaders of 'socialist' and even 'communist' parties is entirely understandable. It represents a rejection of bureaucratic, reformist and Stalinist perceptions of a party.

However, the working class needs an open, broad, democratic and fighting party of a new type, one that has a clear socialist and Marxist programme and fights to change society.

This party should be democratically controlled at every level, including the leadership, with election and right of recall as an integral part of the party structure. This is what the CWI is fighting for everywhere, but which is a particularly burning issue in Italy at the present time.

A stormy period is under way in Italy. In the course of the tumultuous experiences that impend, the best of the Italian working class and youth will find a road to the ideas of Marxism and socialism.

The Stench of Corruption

BERLUSCONI ACTUALLY returned to power while still fighting criminal indictments over corruption stemming from the Tangentopoli ('Bribesville') period of ten years ago. The whole of the 'political class' of capitalist politicians was discredited at that period.

At one point, one third of the nation's parliamentarians were under scrutiny in the 'Clean Hands' investigations begun by Milan magistrates. Half of those indicted eventually got off the charges or are likely to get off because of a Statute of Limitation (time limit) or will be let off on appeal. None of those convicted is still in jail and just one is under house arrest.

Berlusconi was at the centre of this web of corruption with two family members convicted of bribing tax inspectors and he still faces serious charges of bribing judges. His recent hostility to the introduction of an EU-wide arrest warrant was probably linked to the fact that he is under criminal investigation in Spain! All of this has outraged the Italian people and has compelled other European capitalist governments to reach for the panic button.

The Economist magazine has called upon President Ciampi to refuse to sign the government's 'conflict of interest' bill, which would provoke a constitutional crisis and, they probably hope, bring down Berlusconi.

'AXIS OF exploitation'.

Tony Blair, Silvio Berlusconi and Spain's Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar agreed at the recent EU summit in Barcelona to pursue their right-wing agenda of attacking workers' rights in Europe. Even the tame British TUC general secretary, John Monks, was moved to call Tony Blair's 'Americanisation' of labour laws as "bloody stupid".

But it appears that Monks won't be mobilising trade union opposition. His main concern is that Blair's 'axis' could hinder support for entry of Britain into the Eurozone in a future referendum. Monks was also concerned that Blair's anti-worker stance would pressure the trade union leaders to weaken the political funding link with New Labour - the GMB union has reduced its funding by £2 million in this Parliamentary term and Billy Hayes of the Communications Workers' Union has threatened to "redeploy" its funding of New Labour if the government presses ahead with the privatisation of the Post Office.

Glossary of terms

'Olive Tree'. The New Labour-like former governing coalition comprising the ex-Communist Party - now the Democrats of the Left (DS) led by the former Prime Minister, Massimo D'Alema - and other capitalist parties headed by Francesco Rutelli.

Now the main parliamentary opposition to Berlusconi's 'House of Liberty' ruling coalition.

Communist Refoundation (RC) - left wing split-off from the former Communists who have eleven seats in the Lower House of parliament.

There are also several 'unions of the base' ie radical, semi-syndicalist unions COBAS, CUB, RDB.

Syndicalism - advocates of political change through strike action, including general strikes, but who eschew political parties.

A Socialist World Is Possible

OVER 1,000 people attended a public meeting on the theme of "From the World Social Forum to the Social Opposition" in Florence on 3 March. This meeting was significant for the speeches of key figures from the Italian working-class movement, report CWI members Henry Silke and Fabrizio Cucchi.

PIERO BERNOCCHI, representing COBAS, the main 'union of the base', speaking first, said that "capitalism cannot be reformed it must be overthrown", but did not spell out precisely how this should be done. Also he echoed the hostility felt amongst a certain section of young people and workers towards the existing parties. This reflects the semi-syndicalist attitude of some in COBAS.

Unfortunately, he also stated that he would have difficulty in supporting the CGIL demonstration on 23 March. He said this was because the CGIL leadership may call off the demonstration and general strike on 5 April, on the issue of Article 18, as they did with the public sector strike in February.

This approach is wrong. The demonstration, which in practice will be supported by all significant sections of the labour movement including COBAS, is a vital event. The left's approach should be to support this initiative while calling for workers' committees at the base to ensure that it is effective and to press home the industrial and political lessons which arise from this action.

He correctly pointed out that at Genoa the government tried to break the working class and anti-capitalist movements but had failed. He was very complimentary about the recent World Social Forum, which he said was "without a party centre but is nevertheless opening a discussion on world socialism".

However, as The Socialist reported previously, the organisers of Porto Alegre do not propose to go beyond the framework of capitalism. And although "another world is possible", as Bertinotti pointed out, if it is going to be fundamentally different it must be a socialist world.

Bertinotti also said the RC had not supported the 2 March demonstration organised by the DS because it was largely a movement of the middle class. He pointed out that the forthcoming general strike would mark the end of the past phase of workers' defeats from the 1980s.

He also argued that capitalism could not be reformed but did not put forward a concrete alternative.

Although some of the key leaders of the Italian workers' movement have a good general analysis of the situation facing the working class under capitalism, they do not possess a clear programme, either for the current struggle or of how to realise the alternative of socialism.

Fighting Back!

Workers, anti-capitalists...