Reflecting the volatility in this election, aside from the Tories the biggest loser in the election was the Scottish National Party (SNP). It emerged bloodied with just nine MPs, down from the 48 it won in 2019. It was a traumatising defeat for a party that has had three leaders in just over a year amid a series of crises. All of it rooted in its pro-capitalist, cuts-making policies that weakened its support among the working class in particular.
All six seats in Glasgow were lost by the SNP. As was every seat bar one across the working-class heartlands of west and central Scotland. Labour, which won only one seat in 2019, ended up with 37 MPs. Yet the enthusiasm for Labour was negligible. As one former Tory advisor commented: “Labour’s support is a mile wide but an inch deep”.
A section of independence-supporting former SNP voters switched to Labour to get the Tories out and to protest at the SNP itself. Many did not vote. The SNP vote share fell from 45% to 30%, while Labour’s increased from 18% in 2019 to 36%. The issue of independence for Scotland did not feature in the way it has done in previous elections since 2014.
It was the class issues around the cost of living and public services that dominated. Primarily there was just a desire to see the back of the Tories and a feeling that voting Labour was the best way to do that. Support for independence remains at 50% however. And it is likely that the national question could re-emerge with a vengeance under a Starmer-led Labour government.
Despite Labour’s gains, turnout in Scotland fell below 60%, reflecting the deep-seated disgust towards the main parties. The Scottish Greens polled 3.8%, including sizeable votes in Glasgow where they averaged closer to 10%. Overall, however, the Green vote in Scotland was half of that of the Greens in England. This is partly a result of the role of the Scottish Greens in an austerity-wielding coalition with the SNP at Holyrood. Since the power-sharing agreement was ended by Humza Yousaf, the Greens have been more openly critical of the SNP.
Reform UK polled 7%, beating the Tories in a number of seats. But again, the Reform vote in Scotland was around half that in England.
Against the backdrop of these national factors, it was expected that the modest challenge by the Scottish Trade Unionist and Socialist Coalition would produce modest results. Nevertheless, Scottish TUSC – within which Socialist Party Scotland plays a central role – stood the largest number of candidates on the left. Compared to the last time we stood in a Westminster election our votes increased.
The fact Scottish TUSC had among our candidates key trade union leaders who have a record of leading struggles and were committed to living on the average wage of a skilled worker marked us out.
Labour’s victory is a turning point. Not because Starmer will deliver for the working class – he will rule in the interests of big business – but because it will open the floodgates to mass struggle under a Labour government. Demands for funding for public services, public ownership of failing companies and an end to anti-working class policies generally will grow. Moreover, support for the building of a new party to fight for these and other policies will become a clamour, especially in the trade unions.
This was the marker that Scottish TUSC stood to put down in the election. For the building of a mass workers’ party based on the trade unions. And for socialist policies to solve the economic, social and environmental crisis that is rooted in the capitalist system.
Philip Stott
