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Labour wins but anger grows

NEW LABOUR'S claim to have a fresh mandate will look very threadbare in the months to come. Elected on the lowest turnout since records began, Blair's New Labour looked likely to have a majority of about 160 seats as we went to press.

"Opinion polls show that all the major policies Labour outlined during the campaign, such as greater privatisation of public services, are opposed by 80% of the population."

But this so-called landslide did not reflect the 'politics of contentment' as Jack Straw claimed on election night. Labour had fewer votes than it did in 1997. In turn that was lower than the vote John Major got in 1992.

On the surface it looks as if little has changed since the 1997 general election. But a lot has changed since then. There are signs of huge discontent from this election, showing Labour will be in for a turbulent second term.

The Wyre Forest result, where there was a higher turnout because people saw they could deliver a bloody nose to Labour on its NHS mess, shows how anger will turn into opposition against Labour.

40% of voters did not turn out in this election - a massive rejection of the establishment parties. Labour won this election because people voted against parties rather than for them - but only about one in four eligible voters appear to have voted for them.

Many more people did not vote than voted for the party that will now claim to govern. The low turnout, which was even more marked in 'traditional' Labour areas, shows that there was no enthusiasm for Labour.

This is a further sign of the Americanisation of British politics, where millions are effectively disenfranchised with no mainstream party to effectively represent them.

Millions of voters now view this as Blair's 'last chance' election and will only give them a short time to improve things. Recent opinion polls show that all the major policies Labour outlined during the campaign, such as greater privatisation of public services, are opposed by 80% of the population.

Those who voted for Labour have done so holding their noses. The Wyre Forest result and the good result for socialist candidates show that where there is an alternative offered Labour will not be given that second chance.

 

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Socialist Party celebrates election successes

SOCIALIST PARTY members in England and Wales have been celebrating some excellent election results.

By Judy Beishon

Socialist Party Councillor, Dave Nellist, standing for the Socialist Alliance in Coventry North-East, at the time of going to press has achieved the highest vote of any socialist candidate in Britain, with 2,638 votes (7.5%). This was in a constituency that he has not stood in before.

Two other Socialist Party councillors also did very well; Rob Windsor with 1,475 votes in Coventry South, and Ian Page, in Deptford, London, with 1,260 votes.

Standing for the first time in Walthamstow, London, Simon Donovan achieved an excellent first vote of 806. In Bootle, Merseyside, Pete Glover increased his 1997 vote by 60%, receiving 672 votes this time. This was despite Arthur Scargill's Socialist Labour Party standing against him. In Cardiff South and Penarth, Dave Bartlett, standing for the Welsh Socialist Alliance, received 427 votes, increasing the socialist vote by 24% compared with 1997.

In the constituencies that we have stood in before, in most cases we increased our vote this time.

However, in this election, we were standing for the first time in most of the seats in which we had candidates, and this makes the results all the more striking. Also, we know from our canvassing, that the votes we received do not reflect our real level of support.

This is because many of our supporters were disillusioned with the first New Labour government and fed up with the election as a whole and did not bother to vote. Many others decided to vote New Labour to give Blair a 'last chance', and to make doubly sure there would be no return of the Tories.

This situation will change as anger increases towards New Labour, increasing the opportunities for left candidates.

The aim of our campaigns was to reach as many people as possible with socialist ideas, and to win new members and supporters to our party and to the Socialist Alliance.

We have achieved success on both accounts; in the seats where Socialist Party members were candidates, we reached over 700,000 people with our election addresses, and spoke to many thousands on the doorstep, during street stalls and at public meetings. We have left a lasting influence on working class communities in all the areas, one that we can build on in the future.

Our party branches have been strengthened with new members in every seat, for instance in Hayes and Harlington, where Wally Kennedy received 648 votes, over 60 people have joined our party! In Wakefield, on the election night itself, three people added their names to those wanting to become members.

All Socialist Party members can be justifiably proud of our campaigns.

The three main political parties certainly did not create an inspiring election. But in areas where we stood, we succeeded in livening up the debates, and inspiring a layer of people with socialist ideas. In every area we have laid important roots for the future.

 

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Left challenge gets creditable election results

THE SOCIALIST Party took part in the Socialist Alliance election campaign in England and Wales.

By Hannah Sell

By combining the forces of different socialist organisations and individuals the Socialist Alliance was able to contest over 100 seats across England and Wales. At the same time, the Scottish Socialist Party contested all the seats in Scotland.

Despite the election as a whole leaving most people completely cold, the results for socialists were very positive.

The figures clearly demonstrate that a growing minority of people are consciously looking for a socialist alternative.

At. the time of going to press the Socialist Alliance had averaged 770 votes per seat. The Scottish Socialist Party seemed on course to get a creditable 70,000-plus votes across Scotland.

This is an important step forward. However, it is a small fraction of the vote that socialists could potentially win.

In areas where socialist candidates were seen by voters as credible they were able to convince a broader layer of people to come out and vote socialist. For example, Coventry Socialist Party councillor, Dave Nellist, (Chair of the Socialist Alliance) had, at the time of going to press, received the highest socialist vote in Britain with 2,638 votes.

Very good votes were also achieved in St Helens South, where the Socialist Alliance candidate, Neil Thompson, received 2,325 votes and Glasgow Pollok, where the Scottish Socialist Party candidate received 2,522 votes.

In the next four years, under the impact of New Labour's vicious privatisation policies and the effects of a world recession, millions of working-class people will begin to look for an alternative to Blair's neoliberal policies.

The potential exists to build on the successes in this election, and to create in England and Wales, a Socialist Alliance that includes significant groups of workers and young people.

However, to succeed in doing this the Alliance will have to take an inclusive and welcoming attitude to the new forces who, in the coming months and years, will begin to draw the conclusion that working class people need political representation.

Unfortunately, the Socialist Workers' Party (SMT), who currently dominate the Alliance, have not taken this approach to date.

In Hackney, for example, the SWP and their supporters have taken a high-handed and arrogant approach to the 26 UNISON shop stewards who recently decided to stand an anti-cuts candidate in a council by-election.

In the next few weeks the Socialist Party will be putting forward proposals for discussion within the Socialist Alliance to try and ensure that we build on the significant successes the Alliance has achieved in this election.

 

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150 At Hayes Socialist Election Rally

A WEEK before the election, when media experts were proclaiming public apathy about politics, 150 people attended the Socialist Party local election rally in Hayes, west London.

Rheian Davies

Whole families turned out, including at least 30 children, to hear Joe Higgins Socialist Party TD, (MP) in the Irish parliament, who showed how even one Socialist MP making the workers' case, can make a difference.

Peter Taaffe, Socialist party general secretary, received a rapturous response as he outlined the case for socialism.

The meeting was made up of people from the local shops, and estates, single parents, members of the Asian community, and GMB stewards from the airport. Many people were attending their first political meeting.

Hayes Socialist Alternative candidate Wally Kennedy appealed for people to get involved with the Socialist Party and countered the racist propaganda in class terms about asylum seekers.

During the campaign, 67 people have applied to join the Socialist Party and over 400 people have attended campaign meetings.

As we explained that we have no big business backers, the meeting donated just under £800 to our fighting fund. One 13-year-old boy who had no money on him, was so enthused by the meeting that he insisted that he 'had to donate' and gave us an IOU out of his next week's pocket money.

The Labour Party have been seriously rattled by the campaign in Hayes. Afraid of debate, on our Saturday stall the Labour Party ordered drummers to drown out Wally Kennedy each time he used the megaphone to expose New Labour's pro-big business parties.

At the end of the election rally one young women asked Wally if he would come and speak at her house as it was the first time she had heard her kids be quiet!

The general election is not the end of our campaigns in Hayes.

After the election we will continue to fight, with the people of Hayes against Labour's big business policies.

 

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TO NO-ONE'S surprise Labour won the election and the Tories were trounced. But, as JUDY BEISHON points out, Blair's second-term Thatcherite programme has not got a mandate and will meet with ferocious opposition:

New Labour's Turbulent Second Term

NEW LABOUR managed to survive its first term of government without facing a mass movement of struggle by workers. They did, however, face many protests and crises, not least the oil price protest last September, which would have taken the entire economy to a standstill had it lasted a further few days.

Although it had mass support, the action itself involved only a small number of people, mainly transport vehicle drivers and farmers, and was short-lived following huge pressure to back down from the government and trade union leaders.

Nobody can predict exactly what will happen in New Labour's second term, but we can be sure that it will be turbulent and very different to the first.

Although Blair made it clear in his 1997 election campaign that he would do nothing to upset big business, this did not stop Labour voters from holding out hope of improvements in living standards. Yet, far from improvements, the gap between rich and poor has widened and there has been an onslaught of attacks, in particular through devastating restraints put on public expenditure. Hopes that Blair will deliver advances have now been dashed for most people, giving way to great anger at the starting point of his second term.

Economic havoc

ANOTHER MAJOR factor that will influence New Labour's second term is the approaching economic recession. The US economy is heading downwards with no end in sight at present.

Although there have been falls in the massively overvalued shares on Wall Street, they are still estimated to be overvalued by 50%, so further falls are still very likely. All factors point towards a prolonged US recession, an experience that Japan is still immersed in. Europe, including Britain, is already feeling the effects.

The degree of effect in Britain will depend on how deep and long the recession is. But given the levels of poverty that exist now, it is certain to wreck havoc on working-class communities throughout the country.

200,000 jobs have been lost in manufacturing industry over the last two years, and the pre-recession prediction of some economists for this year is the loss of a further 150,000.

This is devastating enough, but an indication of what can happen following an economic crisis can be seen in Turkey, where since the onset of severe crisis just three months ago, 500,000 jobs have been lost and workers' living standards have plummeted by around 30%.

In Britain, it will not be just manufacturing that is affected; every sector of the economy will be hit hard.

New Labour has proved its pro-big business credentials in its first term and is determined to continue on that course. They promised virtually nothing to ordinary people in their manifesto, except some modest cuts-reversals in public expenditure which were in the main announced last year.

How much difference will a 10,000-strong increase in the number of teachers make, when this is only a 2% increase in the total number? Likewise, the increase promised in the number of nurses only amounts to 6%.

Privatisation

BLAIR HAS made it abundantly clear that privatisation will be stepped up in health, education and all other sectors. Observer columnist Andrew Rawnsley wrote: "On the quiet, government advisers have told health companies that anything is possible and everything is up for grabs, from taking over failing health authorities to running GP surgeries" (20 May 2001). Twenty local education authorities now have the private sector delivering all or part of their services.

Initially, the handing over of schools out of the public sector was made to 'non profit-making' companies. But, a recent ominous development has been the appointment of the undisguised profit-making firm, Nord Anglia, to run Abbeylands school in Surrey.

New Labour's limited promises were made in a period of economic growth, and according to the Chancellor, Gordon Brown, depend on continued growth at 2.25% per year. So his plans will be thrown into complete disarray once recession bites.

Also, given the government's commitment to the interests of the capitalist class, they will turn to a new round of attacks on benefits, services, pensions and wages to try to prevent a rising public-sector deficit.

Working-class and middle-class people have been outraged by the effects of rail privatisation and are increasingly aware of the dire consequences of privatisation elsewhere.

This is adding to the widespread discontent that exists. During New Labour's first term there were a number of strikes and disputes which gave a glimpse of the anger and frustration: more recently there have been the demonstrations of car and steel workers against closures, strike action by London Underground workers against attacks on health and safety through privatisation and the postal workers' strikes, to name a few.

The fact that breaking points are eventually reached was well summed up by a striking postal worker, saying: "This is the straw that broke the camel's back. It comes down to one question doesn't it? How many times are you going to get kicked by them?" (Guardian, 24 May 2001).

Explosive mood

WHILST THE overall level of strikes has been low, to foresee future events it's necessary to look beyond the action taken, to the general mood that exists amongst workers in Britain. The conclusion that follows is that the situation is potentially explosive.

View any section of workers, whether teachers, civil servants, shop workers or others, and it's clear that a combination of workplace stress, job insecurity and low pay is fuelling a degree of anger which will inevitably be expressed in upheavals at some stage.

There would already have been major struggles over the last few years if it were not for the role played by trade union leaders in holding them back. For instance, National Union of Teachers leader, Doug McAvoy, has defied the decision to take action against performance related pay made by two union conferences. But action cannot be held back indefinitely.

The trade union leaders, although ideologically committed to Blair's project of support for big business, have recently expressed unease about his brazen announcement of more public-sector privatisation. They are reflecting, in a small way, the pressure from below, and are fearful of a backlash due to worsening pay and conditions.

Though they will continue to do their utmost to prevent major struggles from breaking out in the coming period, there will inevitably be times when they are temporarily by-passed, such as in the recent post strikes over which they had no control initially. There will also be times when some will feel forced to lead action or demonstrations, to placate rank-and-file demands for defence of jobs, pay and conditions.

Labour splits

WILL ANY of New Labour's leaders or remaining activists rebel against attacks on workers' living standards during this government? We have pointed out before how the New Labour leadership have shut off the channels inside the party through which any real pressure could be brought to bear on their leadership.

Also, if it were necessary, Blair would turn for parliamentary support to the Liberal Democrats rather than be a hostage to a left-leaning layer in his own party.

This is not to say, however, that individuals, and at times groups of members will not leave the party in disgust when they feel that Blair has gone too far. Certainly there will be continued disagreement amongst the leadership, which could open up into more public splits under the pressure of events.

Revolt against New Labour will not just come from the industrial arena, but will come from whole communities, students, pensioners, the unemployed and other sections of society. Students are suffering the effects of university funding cuts as well as unprecedented debt levels arising from the introduction of tuition fees and the abolition of the student grant.

Amongst young people in general, a layer have developed a strong awareness of the environmental destruction and workplace exploitation of multinational companies on a global scale. They have shown willingness to get involved in anti-capitalist activities. This activity is at an early stage, but is a clear sign of a changed consciousness among a layer of youth, which will lead them onto the plane of struggle in the coming period.

The growth of the far right into a sizeable force is not likely during this government. Nevertheless, New Labour will be laying the basis for disillusioned youth to turn in that direction if a workers' alternative is not posed.

The general election has shown even more clearly than before that there is little to choose between the three main political parties and that there is an urgent need for a new mass party to represent workers' interests. The recent decision of the Fire Brigades Union conference to support election candidates in opposition to New Labour is an initial step towards seeking political representatives who will stand up for workers' interests.

The struggles and events that occur during Labour's second term will play an important role in laying the ground for the building of such a party.

 

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Profit From Illness scandal

Kick The Private Profiteers Out Of The NHS

Exclusive report

PRIVATE GOOD, public bad. The mantra of New Labour throughout this election. Health minister Alan Milburn has boldly declared that all new hospitals in England and Wales will be built with private money. Health workers in Dundee can tell you what this means.

By a Dundee health worker

On 29 May psychiatric beds were transferred from the publicly funded NHS trust to The Carseview Centre, a Private Finance Initiative (PFI)-funded 83-bed unit.

For 25 years a private company - Jarvis Healthcare - will provide the building where all in-patient care will be.

We've been in less than a week and already senior managers are having emergency meetings as problems mount up. Trusting a company that, although building relatively cheaply, had never built a hospital before has been a serious mistake.

We were promised a purpose-built, state-of-the-art facility but we have a building where doors don't close, windows don't open, lights don't go off, the water isn't safe to drink, the plumbing always breaks and our alarms aren't reliable.

This list of maladies is only from my unit, the 12-bed intensive care ward. The pleasant external structure hides the fact that this bold new step into the future is unsafe in crucial areas to psychiatric care. Trust managers have transferred beds to a site under construction.

Beyond the problems providing a safe therapeutic environment for patient care, staff are also experiencing problems in working practice and working conditions. There is no canteen for staff or patients, so no hot food except from the £1-a-time pot noodle machine. Car parking for staff costs £220 a year.

NHS porters and cleaners who were promised transfers to the new unit have been replaced by private contractors.

What could be privatised has been. Ancillary staff are paid at a lower rate, expected to do more and untrained in day-to-day dealings with psychiatric patients.

In a recent visit to oversee the mayhem, two days after we moved, my chief executive referred to "teething problems that we all experience moving home"!

When I asked Jarvis at a pre-launch visit how much they will get paid over the lease, I was told that this question was not relevant as "existing budgets would cover the cost". Jarvis are no charity, they are here for profit and intend to make money. The free coffee machine was replaced by a pay-per-cup vending machine the day after our ward opened.

PFI annual leasing costs are anything up to 18%, compared to the treasury's 6% charge. Paying this lease will affect all other areas of psychiatric provision in Tayside. What trust board managers are calling our flagship may well be our Titanic.

 

The Socialist party fights to take healthcare away from big business by nationalising the private companies, including the pharmaceutical companies, that are leeching off the NHS. Along with taking over and incorporating private medicine into the NHS, this would unlock the billions needed to rebuild the health service, free at the point of use. Health management and medical services must be brought under the democratic control of patients, health workers and the wider community.

 

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YRE Campaign Against The Fascists In Oldham

FOLLOWING LAST weekend's events in Oldham, Youth Against Racism in Europe (YRE) has continued its anti-racist work in the area.

By Robin, Manchester YRE and Socialist Party

YRE members maintained their close dialogue with people met through previous work. After the first night of rioting, we talked to young Asians in the Glodwick area who told us how events had developed.

Overall, there was a sense that the community had succeeded in defending their families and the area. Significantly, we met a community leader who clearly has respect from local youth.

On the following day, YRE members went back and assessed the mood after a second night of violence.

Many young Asians had suffered at the heavy hands of the riot police - many of which had been drafted in from other areas to 'contain' the violence.

After visiting the Glodwick area again and the Bangladeshi Westwood area, we learned that hostility to community leaders in both areas is increasing amongst the younger generations. Rifts are appearing between the youth and the older community leaders many of whom struck 'bargains' with the police.

Policing in Oldham has been under close scrutiny both before and after last weekend's events and following Home Secretary Jack Straw's ban on political marches.

Hostility to police methods are rife not only in Oldham's communities.

The Fire Brigades Union (FBU), has, for example, significantly criticised the policing methods employed. It revealed that the Greater Manchester Fire Brigade are afraid of being labelled as 'forces of oppression'.

Fire engines are stationed in Oldham alongside riot police and six more are in the neighbouring Chadderton area. Bob Pounder, FBU secretary said: "There should be a definite demarcation between us and the police because people think we are part of this kind of oppression".

At present, the police are using surveillance equipment to monitor the movement of those living in Asian areas and in the town centre.

Outbreaks of violence have been occurring throughout the week. Pubs in the mainly Asian Werneth area have been attacked and the house of Councillor Riaz Ahmed (tipped to be the first Asian mayor of Oldham) has been firebombed.

The YRE have had a good response campaigning against racism and for jobs and facilities for the area and we are aiming to build a YRE branch.

One of the campaigns is to re-open the trades council unemployed centre, which was closed after Oldham council cut the funding.

We have also been campaigning amongst the taxi drivers who have been striking recently against the racial abuse they are often subjected to.

Only mass opposition, organised together by anti-racists, trade unionists, socialists and local communities will ensure a lasting defeat for the Nazis.

 

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Indonesia: Reactionaries Step Up Attacks On The Working Class

SUPPORTERS OF Indonesian President Abdurrahman Wahid clashed violently with police last week in the capital Jakarta. This follows renewed efforts by the national parliament to impeach the head of state.

Niall Mulholland

On 30 May MPs voted overwhelmingly to convene a special session of the People's Consultative Assembly within the next two months.

This body has the power to impeach Wahid. If this were to happen his arch political rival, Megawati Sukarnoputri, would become President.

Impeachment proceedings against Wahid began over his alleged involvement in two financial scandals. However, this complex constitutional process represents a far wider factional struggle.

Wahid was elected president 19 months ago, following the magnificent revolutionary movement in the late 1990s that overthrew the former 'New Order' dictatorship of Suharto and a period of crisis 'caretaker' government.

But important sections of the armed forces support Megawati, the Vice President, in the belief that she can restore some of the privileges and power they enjoyed under the old regime.

Wahid's power base is in East Java, where Nahdlatul Ulama, the mass Muslim organisation he used to lead, is particularly strong.

Under the Wahid presidency the already dire economic situation has worsened and bloody religious, ethnic and secessionist conflicts continue.

None of the politicians can provide a way out of the misery facing workers and the urban and rural poor. All the main parties advocate the market economy, which since the 1997 Asian financial crisis has brought mass unemployment and widespread poverty.

The currency has lost almost 20% of its value this year, inflation is going into double figures, and the budget deficit is out of control.

The military and supporters of the Suharto years are carrying out a "purge of communism" in order to defend their power base. They recently formed an 'Anti-Communist Front' and have stepped up attacks on pro-democracy and Left activists.

New Left force

The Front calls for the 'dispersal' of the Democratic People's Party (PRD), and is suspected of being responsible for the disappearance of the local PRD leader in Medan.

A new Left group, the Democratic Socialist Association (PDS) has called for the working class to lead the way in the struggle against these reactionary forces. They correctly point out that working people can have no illusions in Wahid, who tries to present himself as the defender of democratic rights.

Under his brief rule workers in struggle have faced brutal police repression, next to nothing has been done to tackle endemic corruption and cronyism, and military operations have been launched against national minorities seeking self-determination.

Wahid's real attitude towards 'democracy' can be gauged by his threat to call a state of emergency in order to stay in office.

After they said they would disobey this order, the national police chief and the Security Minister were rapidly dismissed by Wahid.

Left parties, trade unions, workers' organisations, genuine pro-democracy groups and students and youth need to mobilise together to resist the Anti-Communist Front, the remnants of Suharto's regime and the government's neo-liberal policies. This can speed the development of a mass socialist alternative to all the pro-market parties and capitalism as a whole.

 

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