The Socialist Issue 161June 9th 2000 |
Blair's Allies Desert Him |
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ANGER AND disillusionment with New
Labour is at an all-time high. Since coming to power 170,000 jobs have gone
in manufacturing. Compared to 1997, one million more people live below the
poverty line. |
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THE EUROPEAN Commission are proposing to end the postal monopoly for mail weighing more than 50 grams from the year 2003. |
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From Blair's introduction of a drugs Tsar to the recent death toll linked to contaminated heroin in Glasgow and Dublin, drugs are rarely out of the headlines. Socialists need to work out a clear policy on the issue. In the first contribution to the debate, Hannah Sell suggests some issues which Socialists need to consider. |
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THE QUESTION of asylum seekers has
come to the top of the political agenda in southern Ireland. Meanwhile,
racist attacks, particularly against African asylum seekers and refugees, are
on the increase, especially in Dublin. TOM CREAN from the Socialist Party
(our sister party in Ireland) reports.
Followed by:
The truth about the housing crisis |
ANGER AND
disillusionment with New Labour is at an all-time high. Since coming to power
170,000 jobs have gone in manufacturing. Compared to 1997, one million more
people live below the poverty line.
Hannah Sell
Now the
government threatens to privatise air traffic control and the Post Office.
So unpopular
are New Labour with working class, and many middle class, people, that even
staunch right wing 'New' Labour politicians have felt compelled to criticise
the government.
Lord Sawyer
says Tony Blair is not seen as close to the people. Austin Mitchell MP attacks
New Labour for treating Labour councils as "the enemy within". Peter
Kilfoyle MP declares that the government are ignoring working-class heartlands.
All three of
these individuals bear responsibility for Blairism taking over the Labour
Party. They spent their time and energy in the 1980s, not attacking the Tories,
but leading the witch-hunt against socialists in the Labour Party, in
particular the Militant Tendency (forerunner of the Socialist Party).
Tom Sawyer's
disgusting comment that Thatcher was seen as "close to the people"
shows the reality of these people's pathetic opposition to New Labour.
A serious
opposition to New Labour will not be built around these people. It will come
from working-class people getting organised and fighting back.
Delegates at
the Communication Workers Union conference (CWU) voted to withdraw
"financial and moral" support for Labour if the government privatised
all or part of the Post Office. At BECTU (the broadcasting and media trade
union) conference, one-third of delegates voted to review the union's
relationship with Labour. At other union conferences similar debates are
occuring.
Many trade
unionists are so angry with New Labour they are no longer prepared to give
money to a party that constantly attacks them. But this shouldn't mean that
trade unions become 'non-political'.
The Socialist
Party campaigns for trade unions to use their political funds to support
candidates and parties that will stand up for workers’ rights. This would mean
supporting Socialist Party and other socialist candidates.
However, it
would also mark a step towards a new mass party of the working class. Such a
party would provide real opposition to New Labour and involve, and campaign in
support of, all the millions who are opposed to New Labour's big business
policies.
THE EUROPEAN
Commission are proposing to end the postal monopoly for mail weighing more than
50 grams from the year 2003.
Peter Redfarn
Jobs are
already under threat from previous "liberalisation". Royal Mail
International has responded to the removal of the monopoly on international
mail with a plan to concentrate it all in one centre at Langley, near Slough.
They hope to recruit new staff, rather than transferring workers from where the
work has previously been done, in Mount Pleasant in central London, Reading,
Dover and elsewhere.
The principle
of providing a universal service regardless of distance established 140 years
ago as the Penny Post, is threatened. The Post Office Service Bill, and the
regulator which it establishes, protect it for the time being, but private
couriers and foreign postal authorities will be able to pick the most
profitable areas, so putting Royal Mail at a disadvantage. CWU leader Derek
Hodgson estimates a loss of 50,000 jobs. Already Royal Mail are planning to
centralise Address Interpretation in one location instead of around 100
centres.
The Post
Office, while pretending to oppose loss of the monopoly, has been buying up
companies in like German Parcel and companies in Sweden and Holland.
The union
leadership is prepared to accept loss of the monopoly. They just want it to
come about more slowly. Unwilling to put up a fight, they like to rubber-stamp
the employer's proposals. The "Way Forward" deal threatens jobs,
conditions and pay.
The Saturday
Premium – extra pay for Saturday working -- has been abolished, and pay
restructuring allows considerable increases in unsocial hours without any
increase in pay. Higher grades will be replaced by cut-price new entrants. This
is no way for the union to defend its members.
We need to
unionise the non-union distribution and courier firms. And instead of
company unions collaborating with the employers, let's build an alliance of
postal workers across Europe to protect jobs and services.
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The
Socialist says: §
No
to Post Office privatisation. Stop the profiteers ransacking the industry. §
Fight
to rebuild the postal and post office services as a unified public service. §
For
a £5 an hour minimum wage for all postal workers as a step towards a £7 an
hour or £280 a week minimum, based on the European decency threshold. §
No
to casualisation, for all part-time workers to be on the same pay scales and
conditions as full-time workers. §
For
a trade union campaign to reunify the whole communications industry under
democratic workers' control and management. |
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From Blair's introduction of a drugs
Tsar to the recent death toll linked to contaminated heroin in Glasgow and
Dublin, drugs are rarely out of the headlines. Socialists need to work out a
clear policy on the issue. In the first contribution to the debate, Hannah
Sell suggests some issues which Socialists need to consider. |
NEW LABOUR in government has continued Tory policies in
every single sphere, including drugs policy. Despite objections from such
pillars of the establishment as bishops, Chiefs of Police, even some New Labour
MPs, Tony Blair insists that government drugs policy will remain exactly as it
has been for the last twenty years.
This approach allows New Labour to appear ‘tough on drugs’
but as a way of dealing with the problems it is proven to have failed. Firstly
it is increasingly seen as hypocritical.
Certain drugs are criminalised while others, such as alcohol
and tobacco, which can also be very harmful, are sold legally in vast
quantities.
Secondly, while the current ‘just say no’ policies have been
in place, there has been a massive increase in the use of illicit drugs.
The United Nations Drug Control Programme (UNDCP) estimates
that world trade in illicit drugs now stands at £250 billion per year, this
accounts for 8% of world trade. That’s
bigger than the world trade in iron or steel!
In Britain, the amount of drugs seized by police and customs
increases every year. In 1975 there
were 10,648 seizures, in 1995 there were 115,000. This is not because HM
Customs are becoming more efficient.
They themselves estimate that they seize about 10% of the heroin that
comes into Britain.
The number of people arrested for drug offences has
increased by 1,300% since 1969 - from 7,000 to 94,000 in 1995.
Some of those arrested are sent to prison. Yet the Chief Inspector of Prisons for
Scotland estimates that 80% of prisoners in Scottish jails are using drugs. The
figures for England and Wales are undoubtedly similar.
THE ABSOLUTE failure of Britain’s drugs policies does not
just affect those who take illicit drugs. Heroin addiction, in particular, is a
blight which is devastating many, mainly working-class, communities who are
having to watch their children become addicted to heroin.
The number of notified heroin addicts tripled to 22,000 in
the eight years up to 1994. Since then
much cheaper heroin has flooded Britain’s streets. All the drug agencies agree that the number of heroin addicts is
increasing, and they’re getting younger.
The Home Office estimate £1.3 billion is stolen every year
to pay for heroin addiction. This is probably a gross underestimate; another
report puts the figure at more like £10 billion.
In most cases, the people worst hit by drug related crime
are the working-class estates where addicts live. In their desperation to feed
a habit that costs hundreds of pounds a week many will steal from family,
friends and neighbours.
It is absolutely clear that current drugs policies don’t
work. Outlawing the use of some drugs doesn’t stop people taking them. What is the solution?
Firstly, no solution can be found through drugs policies
alone (although this is very important). The more impoverished a housing estate
the more addicts, to alcohol as well as heroin, there are likely to be.
We have to fight for
decent living conditions; good cheap housing, well-paid jobs, access to
education and leisure facilities. As
long as young people are faced with a future of unemployment or low-paid work,
and damp, dilapidated housing, escape through drug addiction will remain a
major problem.
However a change in drugs policy is also desperately
needed. Firstly, it is ludicrous to
criminalise people for what they are doing to their own bodies. This is
especially true, given the drugs they will come into contact with if they are
sent to prison.
Possession and use of any drug should not be a criminal
offence. In addition, people should be
able to know what they are taking. Many drug related deaths are caused by the
user taking something completely different to what they have supposedly been
sold.
Therefore, free confidential testing facilities should be
provided in clubs and community centres. Alongside this, literature giving
balanced advice on the dangers of the drug concerned, and how to minimise them,
should be available.
Secondly, not all of the drugs that are currently illegal
are the same, and a different approach is needed in each case.
PEOPLE IN Britain increasingly see cannabis as an acceptable
recreational drug, similar to the way that alcohol and tobacco are seen. There are approximately six million cannabis
smokers in Britain.
According to a survey in The Guardian, one-third of all 14
year olds have smoked cannabis. The vast majority of these people smoke an
occasional joint in the same way that other people pop out for a quick
pint. Yet they are criminalised.
Cannabis use accounts for 82% of people arrested for drugs
offences. In 1997 two surveys in The
Independent and The Mirror found that between 70 and 80% of people were in
favour of relaxing the cannabis laws.
There is also increasing support from sections of the
establishment for a change in the laws on cannabis. Many agree that it should
no longer be a criminal offence to possess it.
However, there is a strong case to go further.
If it remains illegal to sell cannabis, it forces users to
go to illegal drug dealers to buy it.
In Holland, where cannabis can be bought legally from coffee shops,
heroin addiction has remained stable since 1980, while in most European
countries it has increased markedly.
At the same time the average age of a heroin addict has gone
up to 37 in Holland. This suggests that
separating cannabis from other illegal drugs may have helped prevent a younger
generation starting to take heroin.
This is a strong case for supporting the setting up of legal
venues where cannabis can be bought for individual use. However, this cannot be
put into the hands of big business.
Marlborough tobacco company have already got the patent for “Marleys”
their brand of marihuana cigarette!
If big business control the production of any drug they will
be just as anxious to make a profit as the illegal drugs dealers, and they have
far more resources to encourage people to use their product.
This would result in a huge increase in cannabis use - and
huge profits for the tobacco and drugs industries. Instead the production and
sale of cannabis should be licensed under democratic public ownership.
THESE DRUGS are by far the most widely used and therefore,
the most harmful. More violent
behaviour is caused by alcohol than any other drug. Any real drugs policy has to deal with these drugs.
All advertising of them should be banned. The only way to do
this effectively is to bring the major companies into democratic public
ownership. As long as multinationals control these industries they will try to
maximise their profits by constantly getting more people addicted to the drugs
they sell.
EVEN IF you’re lucky enough to get referred to an NHS drug
treatment programme you’ll still have to wait up to six months to get a
place. We urgently need a huge increase
in the rehabilitation facilities available.
These facilities should aim to get addicts off heroin.
However, as part of such a programme, rehabilitation
facilities should also be able to prescribe heroin to registered addicts. Up
until 1967 this was the way heroin addiction was dealt with in Britain. Then,
under pressure from the US, the policy was changed.
However, this policy has been used more recently in
Switzerland. A referendum voted overwhelmingly to continue with the programme.
This was because addicts no longer had to steal or sell heroin to support their
habit. This means less crime and fewer new addicts.
In Widnes, Merseyside a similar policy was introduced for a
period. While the policy was used there
was a 96% drop in economic crime and zero deaths from heroin use. There was a
92% drop in new addicts.
It may seem strange to argue for the prescription of heroin,
yet methadone is commonly available on prescription to heroin addicts.
Methadone programmes have had some success.
But methadone is not less harmful than heroin – it’s a
highly toxic substance. In 1996, 45 people in Edinburgh died from taking
methadone. In addition it does not have
exactly the same effect as heroin, so the craving for heroin often remains.
The real reason for rescribing methadone instead of heroin
is that the pharmaceutical industry sells it at a much cheaper price.
The programme briefly outlined in this article would be
infinitively more effective than New Labour’s policies in reducing the harm
drugs can do.
Nonetheless, it is only by getting rid of capitalism that we
could really begin tackle the problems of drug addiction. As long as the
multinational companies exist, both legal and illegal, they will make profits
from selling drugs.
As long as there is poverty there will be a desire for anaesthetics
to dull the pain. That’s why the fight against drug addiction has to be linked
to the struggle for socialism.
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THE QUESTION of asylum seekers has come to the top
of the political agenda in southern Ireland. Meanwhile, racist attacks,
particularly against African asylum seekers and refugees, are on the
increase, especially in Dublin. TOM CREAN from the Socialist Party (our
sister party in Ireland) reports. |
IT SHOULD come
as no surprise that a layer of reactionary politicians, primarily but not only
from Fianna Fail, have seized the opportunity to play the ‘race card’.
Their
statements always begin with: “I’m not a racist but...” and then go on to say
something utterly racist. The comments of Councillor Michael Healy Rae who
claimed that the vast majority of asylum-seekers were “free-loaders,
blackguards and hoodlums” is a typical example.
The
government’s ‘dispersal’ policy of placing asylum seekers in small pockets
around the country has been attacked at large, angry meetings from Rosslare,
County Waterford to Clogheen, County Tipperary.
Despite the
rantings of bigots playing on people’s worst fears, residents of small towns
and villages with few facilities often have legitimate concerns. Anger with the
Department of Justice, who notify them a few days in advance of the arrival of
the asylum seekers, is entirely understandable.
In Corofin,
County Clare, for example, the only local hostel has been bought by the
Department to house asylum seekers, thus taking away a major source of tourism
income for the village.
Nor are the
policies of ‘dispersal’ and ‘direct provision’ in the interest of asylum
seekers. With only a £15 a week allowance above room and board, refugees placed
in remote areas will be barely able to afford the price of a bus ticket to
visit a major town to obtain legal and other services that are unavailable in
small villages. And, asylum seekers still don’t have the right to work during
their first year in Ireland.
The government
hopes to put as many asylum seekers ‘out of sight, out of mind’ while stepping
up plans for mass deportations.
THE NOTION that
there is a ‘flood’ of refugees is utterly false, deliberately whipped up by
politicians and sections of the media
There are
currently 11,400 asylum seekers in Ireland whose applications are being
processed. There are a further 4,000 whose applications have been rejected and
who are thus liable to be deported.
It is true that
the number of asylum seekers is growing. Last year there were 7,000
applications but this compares with net immigration of nearly 20,000. In fact,
the government is actively promoting immigration with FAS [government
employment agency] currently organising jobs fairs across North America. The
government’s message is: ‘If you’re white and skilled you’re wanted; if you’re
black and fleeing repression or economic destitution, stay away!’
Those sections
of the establishment which are playing the race card are doing so in order to
divert the attention of ordinary people from the stench of corruption in
politics; the wholesale defrauding of the tax system by the rich; and the utter
failure to tackle poverty and deprivation.
Ireland, unlike
most countries, has experienced a booming economy recently whose main product
has been a staggering increase in social inequality. Massive wealth has been
created but we have a health care system in crisis, no prospect of resolving
transport gridlock and, worst of all, skyrocketing house prices which have now
put a home beyond the reach of large sections of the working class.
In this
situation it is understandable that there is anger that the government seems to
be prepared to spend millions to buy hotels around the country to house asylum
seekers while 100,000 languish on the housing list. But in reality paltry sums
are being spent on refugees while spending on public housing has plummeted in recent
years.
This year,
Finance Minister Charlie McCreevy expects to get more than £2 billion in
surplus tax revenue into the Exchequer. This would be enough to build 40,000
homes and eliminate the housing list backlog.
It is not
refugees, fleeing the same sorts of problems Irish people fled for 150 years,
who are to blame for the housing crisis but rather the profiteering speculators
and builders and the politicians they have bribed for years.
Workers are
beginning to demand their share of the ‘Tiger economy’ and it’s time to demand
decent accommodation for all as a basic human right. It is also time that the
anger of ordinary people be directed against their real enemies and that the
poison of racism - which can only serve the interests of the rich elite by
keeping us divided - be firmly rejected.
WHILE WORKERS
kept bosses’ profits up in the 1990s through low wages and funded services
through PAYE taxes, billions were siphoned off by the rich to offshore
accounts.
£950 million
may have been lost to the Exchequer in unpaid DIRT (Direct Interest Retention
Tax) tax alone since the late 1980s.
Above and
beyond this, £2 billion in unpaid tax is owed after two tax amnesties of the
1990s.
The government
budget surplus for 1999 was £5 billion which means, regardless of money spent
on refugees, they have enough resources to resolve the housing problem twice
over.
Big business
tax evasion in the 1990s robbed the state of £3 billion which could also have
been used to resolve the housing problem and provide much needed services for
communities. If the state went after the rich fraudsters and used the resources
that exist to build homes for all, they would also save the millions they give
in subsides to landlords through rent allowance.
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Average price
of house in Dublin: |
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1993 =
£55,125 |
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1999 =
£113,299 |
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Cost of
building that house: |
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1993 =
£44,100 (estimate, assuming 20% profit) |
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1999 =
£49,613 |
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Developers,
speculators, builders and the banks are sharing a staggering 128% profit. |
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Cost of
building 40,000 units = £1.98 billion; far less than unpaid taxes of last
decade. |